succeeded in their contest with their feudal masters. By the possession of the vote in 1832, the middle class became a rival power to the aristocracy; and that po
as to suggest that the middle class, having obtained what they wanted, cared nothing for the people, notwithstanding that Hume, Leader, Roebuc
he people to help. Chartist speakers were bribed to take up the cry. The Irish in England, who thought their chances lay in English difficulty, willingly preached distrust of the middle class, and their eloquent tongues gave them ascendency among the Chartists, many of whom honestly believed that spite was a mode of progress, and under the impression that passion w
olicitous for the political claims of Labour as they ought-having regard to their own interests alone. Nor have the Labour class shown that rega
d before a place would have been given him in any Government department here.* To my astonishment Harney soon began to write home disparagements of the American people and their Government, such as we were familiar with from aristocratic pens. When the Bulgarian massacres were stirring the indignation of English Liberals, he sent me a pamphlet he had written, in the spirit of Disraeli's "Coffee House Babble" speech. I wrote to him, saying "it read like the production of a full-blown Tory." He resented the imputation-when all the time it was true. He had cast off his Liberal garments, and was naked, and ashamed. Afterwards he cast off the sham
wrote the "Pass of
e we accorded him a
ing papers at a few
mentary friends co
new where he lodged. He knew he was safe in my hands, and we never ceased to trust each other. I never change my friendship
ak up Liberal meetings. This shows there is a feeling against it. But they did take it Thomas Coop
tings being held?" Cooper vehemently denied it. Place then showed him a cheque which Sir Thomas Easthope, the banker, had cashed for him. Place said, "You had £109, so much in gol
mas Slingsby Duncombe, that those parties with whom he was found at public meetings out
g being held in Stevenson Square, Manchester (in answer to the taunt of the Duke of Richmond that no public meeting could be held against the Corn Laws), the monopolists made a great effort to upset the meeting. Every Chartist leader of any notoriety was brought to Manchester from places as distant as Leicester and Sunderland. The most prominent leader and fugleman of the opposition was Mr. Charles Wilkins, Dr. Sleigh and he moving and seconding the amendment to the Free Trade resolution. On that very morning Mr. Wilkins ca
spaper, No. 142,
e may learn the reason in these pages. The list of the payments made to them was published, when it could have been contradicted if untrue. But no disproof was ever attempted. Even "Honest Tom Duncombe," as the Chartists affectionately called him, was known to be in the pay o
aims of Labour, should bear in mind the provocation they received. Their me
displayed, when all the while the Chartists were doing their work. It seems also ingratitude that when questions were rai
he Whigs are practically dropped and Liberals are denounced, there is the same tell-tale silence as to the Tories. Now we see a party arise so virtuous, philosophic and impartial that no party suits their fastidiou
ence of political horticulture, and it is only by knowing the nature of the plant that any one can tell what flower or fruit to expec