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Book i The Robe Chapter 1 The Republican

Word Count: 3166    |    Released on: 17/11/2017

obscure, although the village of Gavrillac had long since dispelled the cloud of mystery that hung about it. Those simple Britt

ophisticated of country folk perfectly understand the situation. And so the good people of Gavrillac permitted themselves no illusions on the score of the real relationship between And

iou. Thereafter, at the age of fifteen, he had been packed off to Paris, to the Lycee of Louis Le Grand, to study the law which he was now returned to practise in conjunction with Rabouillet.

n in an ordinary mind. Out of his zestful study of Man, from Thucydides to the Encyclopaedists, from Seneca to Rousseau, he had confirmed into an unassailable conviction his ear

nd and his rare gift of graceful expression, his writings - unfortunately but too scanty - and particularly his Confessions, afford us very ample evidence. Of his gift of oratory he was hardly conscious yet, although he had already achieved a certain fame for it in the Literary Chamber of Rennes - one of those clubs by now ubiquitous in the land, in which the intellectual youth of France foregathered to study and

stful of him must already have followed but for his friend, Philippe de Vilmorin, a divinity

quicken his already lively indignation. A peasant of Gavrillac, named Mabey, had been shot dead that morning in the woods of Meupont, across the river, by a gamekeeper of the Ma

M. de Kercadiou. Mabey was a vassal of Gavrillac, and Vilmorin hoped to move the Lord of Gavrillac to dema

first instance. He found him at breakfast alone in the long, low-ceilinged, white-panelled dining-room at Rabouillet's - the o

f it already,"

g had not surprised you,"

r d'Azyr is a beast, as all the world knows. The more fool Mabey

you have to s

to say? I've a pra

o say to your godfather, M. de Kercadi

r d'Azyr?" Andre–Loui

y n

us Philippe, dog

your godfather. H

this isn't a question of humanit

two younger than Andre–Louis. He was very soberly dressed in black, as became a seminarist, with white bands

ke a lawyer,

nger on me on that account. T

th me, and to use your influence to obtai

you that it is a futile quest; but give me leave

urning cheerily. And whilst he waited now he gave his friend the latest news of the events in Rennes. Young, ardent

ns he took part as the representative of a nobleman, was not at all surprised by what he heard. M. de

ry foundations of the throne. Don't they perceive that their very existence depends upon it; that if

es, and I never heard of governing classes th

ce. That is what we

sting experiment. I believe it was the original plan o

lmorin, curbing his exasperation, "is to

that will mak

ow it

possess the confidence of the Almighty. He will have confid

e grew overcast. "You are profane

nes, or any other learned society of France, devise a system of government that has never yet been tried? Surely not. And can they say of any system tried that it proved other than a failure in the end? My dear

le to ameliorate the lot of the peo

ll you abolish it? That is the only way to ameliorate its lot,

oys you. That is natural, I suppose." M. de V

yours. To what form of government do you aspire? A republic, it is to be inferred from

ou are being paradoxical,

gh places, with the people of France harnessed under their feet, who are the real rulers. That is why I say that France is a republic; she is a republic built on the best pattern - the Roman pattern. Then, as now, there were great patrician families in lux

ou will admit - you have, in fact, admitted it -

by another? Without some guarantee of that I should be the last to lift a finger to effect a change. And w

ha

You hadn't thought of it? Well, think of it now. Look wel

Nantes to send it to the King. Some ten thousand workmen -

cksters and traders and peddling vassals swollen by wealth into envy of the power that lies in birth alone? The money-changers in Paris who hold the bonds in the national debt, seeing the parlous financial condition of the State, tremble at the thought that it may lie in the power of a single man to cancel the debt by bankruptcy. To secure themselves they are burrowing underground to overthrow a state and build upon its ruins a new one in which they shall be the masters. And to accomplish this they inflame the people. Already in Dauphiny we have seen blood run like water - the blood of the populace, always the blood of the populace. Now in Brittany we may see the like. And if in the end the new ideas prevail? if the seigneurial rule is overthrown, what then? You wi

ul a moment. Then he

horrible, intolerable abuses of pow

r there will always

er is dependent upon its

power. We cannot dicta

n - the people

ower demands qualities which the populace does not possess, or it would not be populace. The inevitable, tragic corollary of civilization is populace. For the rest, abuses can be corrected by equity; and eq

have made in Brittany, as He

ut a struggle. It is a futile and ridiculous struggle - but then

d ridiculous. I should even be prepared to hear you argue in defence of the Marquis de La Tour d'Azyr that his

chocolate; set down his cup, and push

by Mabey's fate. But, having conquered the shock of this news to my emotions

aved himself up i

is the assistant fiscal intendant of a nobleman, and

ou are angry with me!" he

nd I am not alone in resenting your reactionary tendencies. Do you kn

"That neither surpri

, never equity. It occurs to me, Andre, that I was mistaken in coming to you. You are not likely to be of assis

ng up and caught

consent to talk law or politics with you, Philippe. I love

y own," Philippe i

s is a priest's business. Whereas I am a lawyer - the fiscal intendant of a nobleman, as you say - and a lawyer's busi

that I should prefer you did not see M. de Kercadiou wi

determination remained firm,

g shall prevent me at least from walking with you as far as the chate

e Vilmorin's nature did not admit of rancour, and together they to

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