out de Beaugué's statement with regard to the presence of pirates about the May

frequenting about the May, shall be called before my Lord Admiral and his deputies, as well to make surety that the same shall be forthcoming to the just owners

der pain of death, till they were cleansed and had obtained licence to depart. In spite of that, they had gone farther up the Tay, with the intention of landing and selling their goods. They were consequently ordered a second time, under the same penalty, to be rigidly executed, to repair to the Isle of May; and the lieges were commanded, by open proclamation, at all places needful

sent them before the Council, and to give their advice and opinion "anent ane propositioun made to the Kingis Majestie for erecting of lichts upon the Isle of May, as ane thing thought to be most necessarie and expedient for the saulfetie of shippes arryving within the Firth". The question of the costs which the upkeep of the light would entail appears to have presented considerable difficulty at first. In spite of petitions from skippers and others most directly interested in the scheme, "the Lords of the Secret Council having heard and considered the report made by the commissioners for the burghs touching the lights craved by Alexander Cunningham of Barnes to be erected on the Isle of May, and being well advised therewith, and with the reasons and grounds of the same", found "no reason for imposing any duty to be uplifted towards the maintenance of the said lights". The matter was not, however, allowed to drop; and on the 22nd of April, 1636, the King at length acceding to the request of the coast towns, authorized Cunningham to build a lighthouse and to keep it up for nineteen years. Funds for its maintenance were to be obtained directly from those most benefited by it, by the imposition of a duty of two shillings Scots-that is,

eant neu flumi

eDIIs InsVLa

tower perished, on his voyage to the mainland, in a storm which so

breast of its dead mother. Two men, who were assistants to the keeper, were senseless, but got out alive. This truly mournful event was owing to the cinders having been allowed to accumulate for more than ten years. The cinders reached up to the window of the apartments where these unfortunate people slept. They were set on fire by live coals falling from the lighthouse, and the wind blowing the smoke into the windows, and the door b

kingdoms should be done away with; and, further, that there should be some prospect of the duties being modified and ultimately ceasing altogether. Moved by these various considerations, the shipping trade of the Firth of Forth repeatedly approached the family of Scotstarvit, into whose hands the property and light of May had come by purchase, in 1714, with a view to the improvement of the old beacon. In consequence of representations from the Chamber of Commerce of Edinburgh, which visited the island in 1786, the choffer was enlarged to the capacity of a square of three feet, and the quantity of fuel annually consumed increased to about 400 tons. The Chamber further recommended that the stock of coals, hitherto exposed to the open air on the island, should in future be kept under cover, and that the supply should invariably be obtained from the collieries of Wemyss, of which the coal was considered fittest for maintaining a steady light, and was consequently e

be taken up by them except at the instance of the proprietor. In the following year the question was brought into prominence by an event of serious importance. Early in the morning of the 19th of December two of His Majesty's ships, the frigates Nymphen and Pallas, were wrecked near Dunbar, in consequence, it was believed, of the fire of a limekiln on the Haddingtonshire coast having been mista

lessees. This proposal did not, however, meet with the approval of the latter, their opinion being that the only position they could assume in the transaction was that of purchasers for the public. The ultimate result was the acquisition of the Isle of May, together with the light duties, for the sum of ￡60,000-￡3000 less than the Duke of Portland had originally demanded. This was in 1814. That same ye

in an open grate or choffer, was discontinued on the night of the 1st of February, 1816, when a light from oil, with reflectors, known to mariners as a Stationary Light, was exhibited. The new lighthouse tower upon the Isle of May is contiguous to the side of the old one, and is elevated 240 feet above the medium level of the sea, of which the masonry forms

ght, the grate-fire only being ignited upon the leeward side when the wind is very high.... The isle had once a cell or two upon it. The vestiges of the chapel are still visible. Mr. Stevenson proposed demolishing the old tower, and I recommended 'ruining' it 'à la picturesque', i.e., demolishing it partially. The island might make a delightful residence for bathers."[229] Scott's romantic suggestion was not, however, adopted. The old lighthouse tower on the Isle of May was reduced in height to about 20 feet, and by direction of

in length and 15 feet in breadth. In the west wall are two windows, of which the semi-circular interior openings seem to indicate Norman work, and suggest the thirteenth century as the date of the building. There are also remnants of windows both in the south and in the north wall. A shapeless gap near the southern extremity shows the position of the door. Just within it there may still be seen what is perhaps a fragment of the holy-water stoup. From th

e refuge of the Forth". The new buildings, engines, electric machines and lamps cost ￡15,835; but, including old material which it was found possible to utilize, the total installation was estimated at ￡22,435. As to technical details, it may suffice to mention that the generators are two of De Meritens's alternate-current magneto-electric machines, weighing about four and a half tons each. The engines are a pair of horizontal surface-condensing steam engines, each with two cylinders 9 inches in diameter and 18 inches stroke, making 140 revolutions per minute. There are two steam boilers, of which only one is in use at a time. Each of them is 20 feet long and 5 feet 6 inches in diameter. Only one of the three electric lamps is used at a time, and is ch

orizing the collection of two-sixteenths of a penny per ton, as light dues, from vessels carrying cargo or passengers, which may pass or derive be

such of them as have families, are situated at some distance from the lighthouse, between two hills that afford protection from the prevalent gales. Close to them is the engine-house, with it

AND HER PA

elebrations marked the event. But centuries have passed since then; and it would not be very rash to assume that, at the present day, for every thousand of its Pre

Glasgow's tutelar saint was a true Scot, he under whose special protection the capital chose to put itself was simply an alien. Not but what he was a well-born and eminently venerable person. We are told that St. Giles, or, to give him his Latin name, Egidius, was born in Greece in the seventh century. According to the Roman Breviary, he was of royal lineage. The same authority states that from his youth he showed a great love for sacred learning and for works of charity, and that, at the death of his parents, he bestowed his whole inheritance on the poor. The miracles which he was reported to have wrought brought him a fame which was distasteful to him. To escape from it he retired to Arles, in France. He remained there but a short time, however, having determined to lead the life of a hermit. For this purpose he betook himself to

he Advocates' Library, that, in the reign of James II, Preston of Gortoun, having got possession of a relic which was alleged to be an arm-bone of St. Giles, bequeathed it to the mother kirk.[231] In gratitude for this gift, the magistrates of the city granted a charter in favour of the heirs of Preston, entitling the nearest heir of the donor, being of the name of Preston, to carry this sacred relic in all pro

urred what may be looked upon as the public and formal denial by Edinburgh of her patron saint, and his violent and shameful deposition by his whilom devotees. This "tragedy of St. Giles" is recorded by Knox with that grim humour which is characteristic of him. He relates that, on the approach of St. Giles's day, the bishops gave charge to the Provost, Bailies, and Council of Edinburgh, either to get the old St. Giles again, o

fe return, required the deposit of "a silver piece". It was made fast with iron nails to a feretory, or portable shrine. "There assembled priests, friars, canons, and rotten Papists, with tabours and trumpets, banners and bagpipes. And who was there to lead the ring but the Queen Regent herself, with all her shavelings, for honour of that feast?" For all he

slight efforts, and, casting aside all pretence, they pulled it down violently to the cry of "Down with the idol! down with it!" "Some brag made the priests' patrons at the first," records Knox; "but they soon saw the feebleness of their god, for one took him by the heels, and dadding his head to the causeway, left Dagon without head or hands, and said, 'Fie upon thee, thou young St. Giles, thy father would h

in which he indulged so tickled Knox's sense of humour that he duly records them: "Fie upon you, why have ye broken order? Down the street ye passed in great array and with great mirth. Why fly ye, villains, now without order? Turn and strike every man

cannot be, so long as Edinburgh's venerable cathedral bears it; but if he be in honour anywhere, it is not in the city which once cho

K OF DU

dents in

the law has been observed. For years past its sole garrison has consisted of a caretaker; and, in so far as any practical purpose is concerned, it has ceased to be a stronghold at all. But, thou

Further, it is recorded in the Historia Britonum "that, as the result of a battle fought between the Britons and the sons of Ida, in 573, the greater part of the North Country fell into the hands of a king called Ryderchen, who chose as his seat the stronghold known to the Gaels by the name of Dunbraton," or the fort of the Britons-the original form of the modern Dumbarton. In confirmation of this sixth-century occupation of the Rock, there is a passage in the life of Columba where Adamnan states that the saint was consulted

a Governor of his own choosing. This was Alexander de Ledes, whom he also made Sheriff of the County. De Ledes was succeeded by Sir John Menteith, who earned an unenviable notoriety by the betrayal and capture of Wallace, and to whose keeping the illustrious prisoner was entrusted prior to his being removed to London. The Scottish hero's sword was long preserved as an historical

nto negotiations with Menteith, by whom it was still held for the English, and that the treacherous Governor, on the understanding that he should receive the Earldom of Lennox as his reward, consented to deliver the fortress. As Bruce, with a number of followers, was on his way to enter into possession, in accordance with the agreement, he w

t a stag loose on the level ground within sight of the Castle, and got up a mock hunt after it, with great blowing of horns, and other noises, to attract the attention of the garrison, hoping that they might be induced to join in the sport and leave the fortress undefended. Everything happened as Colquhoun had wished. Nearly the whole of the garrison went forth to take part in the p

was made to serve a very singular purpose. In circumstances of wh

ltere off D

n in Nele Pe

nt being unable to drive him out, was obliged to accept the condition on which he offered to surrender his capture. It was nothing less than his appointment

science of

o

re, at the

mare than a

in his pow

was arranged that, whilst James proceeded in person to Crookston and Duchal, Colin, first Earl of Argyle, should lay siege to Dumbarton Castle; and elaborate preparation was made for the transport of the most powerful artillery of the day, including the famous Mons Meg, into the rebellious West. The smaller strongholds were soon reduced, but the Rock held out, and the defenders, making a vigorous sally, dislodged their assailants by burning the town, and so raised the siege. The Royal forces, on being thus driven off, fe

t Murray was desirous of obtaining possession of so important a position, and, negotiations having failed, went down in person to open the siege. So strict was the blockade that Fleming was on the point of surrendering when the assassination of Murray brought him some respite. Lennox, who succeeded as Regent, was equally bent on the capture of the Castle, and endeavoured to obtain help from England. B

hest point, it offered the advantage of being unguarded, by reason of its supposed inaccessibility. At the first attempt the ladder slipped back with the weight of the climbers. On the second it was found that it did not reach within twenty feet of a tree to which it was intended to make it fast. The difficulty was overcome by Crawfurd, who, crawling up to the tree, threw a rope around it, and thus enabled his party to reach this first stage. The operation was being repeated for a further ascent when an accident nearly brought disaster on the whole undertaking. One of the men fell into a kind of fit whilst on the ladder, and remained clinging desperately to the rungs and blocking the way. But, even for this, Cra

men and hurried off to the Provost's house, where, under threats of death, Stewart was obliged to send for the keys and to hand them over to his captor. The sequel is told by Spalding. "Stewart," he says, "was compelled to cast off his clothes, which were shortly put upon another gentleman of his shape and quantity, and he put on his clothes upon him again. Thus, apparel interchanged, they commanded the Captain,

h different prisoners as Ogilvie the Jesuit, Carstairs and his fellow Covenanters, the Marquis of Tullibardine and other Jacobites-would require to be recorded in detail in a more comple

S STATESMA

STAT

n the words of Macaulay, as "a drivelling idiot" and "a finished specimen of all that a king ought not to be".[244] But there is another portrait that may be drawn of him. Materials for it will be found not in the rhetorical descriptions of writers whose aim was literary effect or political denunciation, but in those absolutely trustworthy, if most prosaic and unimaginative documents, the Acts of the Privy Council. And it was Professor Masson, the editor of those records, who asserted that it is

the reins of government fully into his own hands. That occurred towards the close of 1595, at the death of Lord Maitland of Thirlstane, after a Chancellorship and Premiership of over eight years. It was then th

the abuses which had arisen owing to the turbulent insolence and the intolerable oppression of the arrogant nobility. James had not been deaf to advice so conformable with his character and disposition. He had taken it so thoroughly to heart that, although he could not shake himself free from his Minister's despotism, it had become irksome and galling to him. When Maitland lay on his deathbed his Sovereign refused repeated requests to visit him, and it was even said that he had whispered in a courtier's ear that "it would be a small matter if the Chancellor were hanged".[247] The years that intervened between Maitland's death and James's departure from Scotland at length gave the King his opportunity, and not only did he at once show his determination of becoming master within his own kingdom, but he also succeeded in actually carrying it out to a very noteworthy degree. And of the qualifications that enabled him to do so none was more conspicuously displayed than his ability to extract power to shape things according to his mind from

of offenders-the "horners" and the members of families at hereditary feud. Horners, as they were called in Scotland, were all persons who stood out in denounced disobedience to the decrees of any law court, for any kind of offence from simple debt to murder and treason. At one time the country was full of such. Mere proclamations against them having proved of little avail, James at length had recourse to a measure which proved more effectual. He established a flying police, consisting of a body of forty well-equipped horsemen, "to be in reddiness at all occasiounis to hunt, follow and perseu all and quhatsumevir rebellis within this countrie, witho

nis, and behaviouris as did in ony weyis smell of barbarity and sevegnes", and had been unremitting in his endeavours to suppress the "barbarous and detestable consuetud of deidly feids".[249] Nothing could be better founded than the claim thus put forward on the King's behalf, for one of the most commendable features in his administration is to be found i

y Elizabeth. What he achieved in this respect was once set forth by him in a speech to his refractory English Parliament. "This I must say for Scotland, and may truly vaunt it: here I sit and govern it with my pen; I write and it is done; and by a Clerk of the Council I govern Scotland now-which others could not do by the sword."[250] That such was literally the case, that

ssed in both Parliaments, what eloquent testimony Sir Francis Bacon bore to the statesmanlike character of the King's views and intentions, and in what circumstances the projected treaty broke down under the we

-AS

, we consult his contemporaries we must, unless we are prepared to dismiss them all as more shamelessly fulsome in their adulation than the average of courtly flatterers, at least recognize the possibility of his having been a little better than posterity has b

t discommend

Subject of th

see your fond

e favored it,

cots-now livi

" and his "Furi

es is a notable Poet, and daily setteth out most learned poems, to the admiration of all his subjects".[253] In 1600 Allott gave ten quotations from James in his England's Parnassus, and Bodenham claims that in "The Garden of the Muses", from "what workes of Poetrie have been put to the world's eye

ings, dost thou

ets, dost thou

are the Fates ha

oth, to show th

t, while thy d

ief of them are

ince thou art

se still promis

Muse then fly t

ace; of poets, f

f a group of poets, amongst whom were, in addition to the King himself, Alexander Montgomerie, the author of The Cherry and the Slae; Fowler, and the Hudsons, and whose aim was to found a school of Scottish poetry. This document contained a passage which is interesting enough to be quoted. Setting forth the "twa caussis" that have induced him to compose his treatise, the Royal lawgiver of Parnassus says: "The ane is; as for thame that wrait of auld, lyke as the tyme is changeit sinsyne, so is the ordour of poesi

fore the publication of the first volume of his poems in his nineteenth year or in the time of romantic enthusiasm excited by his marriage".[258] We have "The First Verses that ever the King Made". They are written in a sententious vein which might be looked upon as characteristic of the author, were it not

s free, thinke

eart, to eas

eveeled can

ast out tur

l, ay, for

gett thyne

self with t

know what th

last, thoug

tent for

it breake fur

witt thy wi

ste is not gr

shouldest l

ke vertue

necessitie

e, then, see

vanquishe in

, and to which Du Bartas paid the compliment of translating it into French. It is no masterpiece, but Mr. Westcott, the editor of the New Poems by James I of England, does not exaggerate the author's merit when he says that "his style in the descriptio

ght thousand

e and bar

kepars, col

disdainfu

sant, fer

twelve th

spreites be

e meanes

ande Almans

ries colde

y men with

ll dourelie

fferent kind, "A Dreame on his Mistris my Ladie Glammes", in which he displays some ingenuity

vertues t

s pretio

with meete

ving su

stone by s

raignlie

braines whome B

as they

serve us fr

envenom

cuppes, that

e does u

hart be st

ue from

ring like a

ring in

s soveraig

hom stil

all the poys

shall not s

ery of them ought to contribute in some degree

ion, and it seems natural in such a stickler for metrical propriety that in his shorter poems his favourite form should have been the sonnet. Hi

ings the stile

one his Scepte

subjects ough

feare and serve

uld enjoy a h

atutes of your

w make all your

tenant here ye

, be stedfast,

oud, maintaynin

so, as ever

godly, plaguin

l in Princely

ht your mighti

the side of it there may now be placed, by reason of their "sustained music, conformity to the technique of the sonnet, and prettiness of fancy, if not elevation", at least three others which figure amo

Isle, where A

es, statly Si

ds were bathed in

yvall Carthage

striss, all th

Neptune's, circ

thy frutefull g

for the subje

d report, of sc

e, for farelie

weet resemblan

mest, so sibb, a

eeming so, thy

e, dothe merit mo

nzie Man". But it may be less unjustifiable to suggest that he is not absolutely undeserving of a corner in anthologies of the Scottish poems of the sixteenth and of the early seventeenth century. That he is altogether conte

ION OF AI

records of the district to which it belongs. Its whole story consists of a single episode, which, though hardly noticed by modern historians, created some excitement, both in Scotland and in England, at the time of its occurrence, and may be read with interest at the present day. That incident, the invasion of Ailsa Craig,

o devoted themselves to the restoration of the old religion none displayed a greater fixity of purpose, a more unscrupulous contempt for the law, or a more reckless disregard of personal danger. Andrew Knox, on the other hand, in spite of his peaceful calling, gave proof of equal determination and equal audacity in the fulfilment of the self-imposed mission of

rehending him was undertaken by Andrew Knox, and successfully carried out, though at "no little paines and perill". He pursued the conspirators through Glasgow and towards Irvine, and pressed them so closely that Ladylands was driven to the necessity of giving himself up to James Hamilton, the eldest son of Lord Claude, though not till, by some means which are unfortunately not recorded, he had provided for the safety of his confederates. Under the charge of Andrew Knox and Captain Ha

that, as Calderwood states it, "he was perceaved to be a Papist passing to Spaine, to traffique betwixt the King of Spaine and some Scottish noblemen". Andrew Knox, to whom the information was brought, lost no time in setting himself upon the track of the suspected conspirator. Accompanied by a number of Glasgow students, he proceeded to Fairlie, where he found, however, that Ker had already crossed over to the

differed in regarde that the cause and evidence against him were not rype and sufficient to proove him gilty of treason".[266] On Sunday, the 25th of March, 1593, he was "lett free out of the Tolbuith of Edinburgh, at the King's command, foure sureties being taikin for his re-entering in ward at Glasgow at the King's pleasure". It was at first intended that he should be kept in "straite warde", but, by the influence of the Duke of Athole, from whom he brought letters with him, he obtained the privileges of "free warde within the Castle". During his confinement he was visi

hough urged to give these "lynes", James refused to comply, but appeared willing "ether to send one of his owne servants to attache him or else to derect the Provost of Glasgow to inclose his house and take him". To those who knew how little the King sympathized with the coercive measures enforced by the Presbyterians against their Catholic fellow subjects, his sincerity was the subject of considerable doubt. The

ng possession of Ailsa Craig, at the head of a small body of nineteen men, with whom he stationed himself on the solitary rock to await the course of events. Before long, Ladylands, ignorant of Knox's movements and wholly unconscious of the ambush laid for him, sailed to Ailsa with thirteen of his fellow conspirators, intending "to have fortefeit and victuallit the same for the ressett and comforte of the Spanishe armey, luiked for be him to have cum and arryvit". On reaching the spit of shingle on the east side, which affords the only landing-place, he found himself suddenly opposed by a band of d

sea, bearing with it the Laird's "coffers" and the important documents that they were believed to contain. This untoward accident, however, delayed the clearing up of the plot for but a short time. A few days later

he takinge and forcinge of Ailsa was devysed by the larde of Lad

rying it out. In order to secure the co-operation of those who, had they known the size and position of Ailsa Craig, might have felt considerable doubt as to the advantages to be derived by obtaining possession of it, t

of levying the "contribution" was entrusted were Hakerson in France, Richard Skeldon in England, and in Scotland Ladylands himself. It was arranged that Ladylands

o all distressed papists, where fra so ever they should come". Next to this, there was to be "ane place of releife and refreshment to the Spanyart, or rather a porte to them, at ther arryvall in Ireland". Finally, it was a par

The Cherrie and the Slae. In the Acts of the Privy Council[270] it is recorded that Alexander Montgomerie, brother of the Laird of Heslott (Hasilhead), having failed to appear to answer for bei

ures of safety were adopted. Bowes, the English agent, "spoke with and moved the Erle of Cassilis", obtaining from him a vague promise "to gyve regarde to yt". As this, however, only resulted in entrusting the custody of Ailsa to Thomas Hamilton, whom Bowes considered "not very fytt for the charge", recourse was again had to the indefatigable Andrew Knox. He readily undertook "both to awayte uppon the further progress of

n these affayres", that he had "entred into dangerous feuds by his commendable behaviour", and that "his lyfe was gredely sought by many and strong persons". The agent's recommendation that he "should be tymelye and favorablie comforted" was doubtless acted upon, and it may be looked upon as the result of the interference of the English Government that the Privy Council, "by di

ave begun and ended. There is no trace of its connection wi

RY OF A

ONT W

ber of the comparatively few popular poems that have a real historical event as their foundation. And a further interest attaches to it from the circumstance that the incident which it sets forth was of sufficient importance to give rise to a diplomatic correspondence between th

ballad, as deputy for the English Warden, Lord Scroope, had met Robert Scott of Haning, the representative of Sir Walter Scott, "the Bauld Buccleuch", Keeper of Liddisdale. The conference had taken place at a spot where the Kershope, a small tributary of the Liddel, formed the boundary line between the two countries. Nothing untoward h

t the temptation of availing themselves of so favourable an opportunity. Making it an excuse for their violation of Border law that at one point Armstrong was obliged to pass out of the territory included in Buccleuch jurisdiction, they crossed the stream, thus committing an act of invasion, fell upon him at such odds as made resistance vain, took him prisoner and carried him off to Carlisle, where he was lodged in the Castle. The indignation aroused by this unwarrantable brea

ted complaints against them, to have been in league with the Scottish Warden. A horse race promoted by him afforded him an opportunity of communicating with Kinmont's kinsmen and friends without exciting suspicion. He had no difficulty in enlisting recruits, mainly from amongst the Scotts, the Elliots, the Bells, and, as

llen asleep or got under cover to protect themselves from the violence of the weather; moreover, the howling of the storm covered the noise unavoidably made by the sappers, quietly as they tried to work, and nothing happened to give either Scroope or Salkeld, both of whom were within the walls, the least warning of what was going on. In a short time the Scots had penetrated into the courtyard. Buccleuch was the fifth to pass through the trench. When he had the rescuing party about him he encouraged them to "Stand to it", as he had vowed to God and his Prince to fetch Kinmont out of England dead or alive; and assured them that, when it was done, he would maintain his action "with fire and sword against al

d to "aggravate the heinousness" of the aggression, and did so in a long oration, "concluding that peace could no longer continue betwixt the two realms unless Buccleuch was delivered into England, to be punished at the Queen's pleasure".[272] The Keeper of Liddisdale was present, and spoke in his own defence. He maintained that, in rescuing a Scottish subject who had been wrongfully captured, he had done nothing but what honour dictated and duty required. He

uspected of partiality. And he urged this as a reason for her consenting to the appointment of a Commission, in accordance with the proposal made by Buccleuch and adopted by the Convention. Before the end of the same month, both the Privy Council of England and Queen Elizabeth had dispatched replies to Edinburgh. The former, after communicati

any question as to whether a King should act rightfully by his equal, and should his Councillors be asked their pleasure as to what he might do? Had this occurred in the nonage of the Prince, it might have some colour; but in a "fatherage" it seemed strange, and, she dared say, was without example. However little regard her "dear Brother" might have for herself, yet she would grieve much to see him neglectful of his own dignity, as the English, whose good opinion she doubted not but he had in some esteem, would measure his love by his deeds, and not by his words on paper. In so far as she was concerned, she told him plainly that she considered herself

to the imperious Queen. But he was still anxious to delay the inevitable surrender, knowing that amongst the people generally the feeling of opposition to the delivery of Buccleuch was as keen as ever. As a means of gaining time, he raised a new issue, by writing a strong letter of indignation at the Queen of England's threat to stay the payment of his annuity, and at her tre

followed by a long exchange of communications, of which the tone, however, marked a gradual approach towards a settlement of the dispute. Before that was reached, James found an opportunity of retaliating in a characteristically petty manner. As Elizabeth insisted that Buccleuch should be delivered over to her for punishment because of his attack on Carlisle Castle, so he demanded that Edmund Spenser should be called to account for his reflections on the character of Mary Stuart. What we know about this new and singular development is contained in a dispatch from Bowes to Burghley. "The King," writes the En

h, 1597, till March 21st following. On his release his ten-year-old child took his place as a hostage. It is noteworthy that the redoubtable Borderer not only ceased to give trouble, but even co-operated with the English

N THE WE

reat Cumbrae, is about the same; and owing to the comparative inaccessibility which the two or three miles of sea give it, its interior is somewhat less dilapidated than is usually the case with similar relics of the past to be met with on the mainland. The partition walls of the several rooms have, it is true, almost disappeared, so that, for instance, the storey immediately above the vaults on the ground floor would appear to have consisted of one hall, if it were not for the fact that it contains two large chimneys. The

itself there are two houses serving, the one as a shooting-box, the other as a dwelling for the present tenant's gamekeeper. Closer examination of the island, particularly in winter

bour for "the commone welle and benefite of the haill liegeis of this realme haveing ony trade and handling in the west seyis". In the year 1599, as a first step towards the accomplishment of this praiseworthy scheme, he had purchased "eleven score of joists of oak of twenty

of the results of which would be to bring their sea-girt asylum into closer touch with the outer world and its justice. Whether for this reason or for the mere sake of plunder, it happened that one day, in 1599, some thirty men, with half a dozen of the Montgomerys as their leaders, came to the fortalice with hagbuts, pistols, culverins, swords, and other weapons, and violently, "with engyne of smythis", broke up the doors and gates, and, after having destroyed the

es either "spulzied" or destroyed in the various parts and chambers of Boyd's castle, together with the value put upon each article or set of articles. In the first place the list indicates the internal structural arrangement of such a dwelling. It consisted of a hall, a kitchen, a chamber,

fference of wood, the "chalmer buirds", as distinct from the "fauldand buird", or dining-table of the kitchen, were worth ￡4 or ￡5 respectively. Three beds and a table constituted the sole furniture of the "low easter chalmer" and of the "high wester chalmer". The "lower wester chalmer" was the room which yielded most loot to the raiders. In a cupboard within it they found a "silver piece" of 17 oz. in weight and a cup with a silver foot weighing 7 oz., a

nchers, and a folding table. The only engines of war contained in Boyd's fortalice consisted of two "cut-throat guns of iron". They were located in the hall. The whole damage done by the plunder of all the movables and the destruction of such fixtures as doors and windows is estimated at ￡4776, 10s. 6d. Scots,

US GL

in a gracious and flattering reference to its condition and estate His Majesty could not go beyond the qualified statement that, "in quantitie and number of trafficquers and others inhabitants", it was inferior to few of the cities and burghs in his northern dominions.[276] There

on of the Bailies lay with the Archbishops as temporal, no less than spiritual, superiors of Glasgow. In 1600, however, the King, by a cha

for the ensuing year. He was also the bearer of an official communication from the King himself, whose friend and favourite he was, and who warmly recommended him for th

rity. Such a course was objected to as being both derogatory and contrary to use and wont; and the Council firmly refused to present the leet to any substitute, or to recognize any nomination but such as came from his Lordship's own mouth. In accordance with

en to fill the vacant magisterial seats. Owing to a regrettable gap of nearly four years in the Burgh Records, it is impossible to ascertain what further steps were taken by either side during the period extending from October 27th, 1601, to June 13th, 1605. The only available information bearing on this point is to be gathered from the Register o

o go to Edinburgh to settle and end the matter by an appeal to the Privy Council. This further step having proved unavailing, the Corporation, on the 27th of the same month, "ernestlie requestit and desyrit" their Provost to undertake a journey to London, in order to invoke the intervention and aid of James himself. Thanks to Sir George's personal influence and to the favo

t of the singular care, great zeal and love had and borne by him to the weal and liberty of the Burgh, nominated, elected, and chose him for their Provost. On the same day and in the further exercise of the freedom which he had secured, a list of nine names, including those of three of the "auld Bailies", was submitted

ection. It consisted of the members and friends of the house of Minto, a family which had for many generations possessed considerable local influence, and of which the head, Sir Mathew Stewart, had himself fi

of some of the numerous crafts or incorporations were first approached. The Stewarts represented to them that the liberty newly acquired by the Council was "nothing else but a manifest thraldom and tyranny against the crafts, a dissolution of the estate of the town, and an

e convoked a meeting, which was held at seven o'clock in the morning, in the house of John Ross, a Town Councillor whom he had won over to his side, and at which between forty and fifty prominent citizens were present. The malcontents drew up a petition against the ratificatio

eeing that the meeting had taken place without the presence, knowledge, or consent of the Magistrates, the Stewar

ives and intentions which it imputes to them it goes further than those facts seem to warrant. It sets forth that, the further to irritate and incense the common multitude against the Magistrates, and to make it appear that they had credit and power to overthrow these at their pleasure, Minto and his accomplices, accompanied by a crowd of some three or four score, all in arms, with targets, swords, and othe

persewing them of their liveis". If such a design really existed, it was frustrated by the conciliatory attitude assumed by the Provost and his colleagues. Seeing the wisdom of coming to terms with the malcontents, they made arrangements for a conference with the

band of some forty men close at hand at the Wyndhead-all "bodin in feir of weir", that is, equipped for a warlike expedition, with steel bonnets, secret armour, plait sleeves, longstaffs, and other weapons. As the Provost and his friends, who were but five in number and bore no arms but their unbended bows, reached the Drygate, one of them, James Forrett, left the party for the purpose of fetching some arrows from his house. Before he could reach it, Sir

Stewarts and their party retired to the Wyndhead, where they remained, whilst James Braidwood, by their direction, ran down the High Street, crying: "Arme you! arme you! They are yokit!" This brought up a reinforcement of some two score "airmed men of the seditious faction", headed by Sir Mathew S

over. Once again the crowd made for the Castle gate, swollen by the accession of some 300 of the "rascall multitude", whom the prospect of plunder had attracted, and who, as they trooped on, indicated their intentions by calling out to each other, "I sall hav

ames Forrett were interned in that of Glasgow. On August 9th, the ward was changed in both cases to the town of Stirling, where the several parties were bound to remain under caution in sums ranging from 5000 merks to ￡5000, to keep the king's peace. Of the other persons implica

causes of thair meittings to the Provost and Baillies of the burgh, and obtain thair licence thairto, and that nothing salbe done be thaim in thair saids meittings quhilk may tend to the derogation or violation of the Acts of Parliament, lawis and constitutions made for the wele and quietness of the said burghs"; and whereby also, "the saids unlawfull meittings, and the persons present thereat, are by the saids Acts of Parliament declairit to be factious and seditious; and all thair proceidings thairin to be null and of non availl, and the saids persons ordained to be punished in thair bodies and gear with all rigour". This was followed by a narrative of the recent disturbance between the citizens and the Magistrates-"A thing very undecent and unseamlie and without ony preceiding example in ony burgh within this kingdome". Then came instructions to the officers of arms to pass to the Mercat Cross of

which the opponents of the Corporation were the defenders, it was declared that those persons had committed a "verie grite insolence and ryot". For this they were condemned to be warded in the burgh of Linlithgow till His Majesty's will was made known concerning them. At the same time the Lords "assoilzed simpliciter" the Lairds of Minto, elder and younger, and all the other defenders, from

distinctioun of offendouris in that ryotte, that, according to the difference of thair faultis, directioun micht haif bene gevin for inflicting upoun several personis the moir mylde and moir hard punishment", His Majesty directed that the meaner offe

ster of the Privy Council. Another circumstance that lends interest to the happily unique collision between the municipal authorities and the citizens, is the coincidence that it was the first occasion for the applicatio

SCOTTI

ffensive armour in proportion to the quantity of lands and chattels which he possessed. The owner of chattels to the value of 40 marks was to have a horse; an habergeon, or sleeveless coat of mail; a chaplet, that is to say, an iron skull-cap without vizor; a sword, and "a knife called dagger". The equipment of such as held land worth 40s. or upwards, but less than 100s., was to consist of a bow and arrows, a dagger, and a knife; and, in their case, the absence of defensive armour suggests that they were intended as light infan

he was to be allowed respite until his return to the county within which he alleged that the horse had been lent him. And, rather more than half a century later, in 1220, under Alexander II, further evidence of military obligation is supplied by a statute fixing the fines to be imposed on men of vari

loves of plate, with a spear and a sword. The acton and bascinet might, however, be replaced by an habergeon and "a hat of iron". Whoever failed to comply with the requirements of the statute was to forfeit all his goods, of which one-half was to go to his immediate superior, the laird on whose lands he dwelt, and the other half to the King

male person should, from his twelfth year, busk himself to be an archer; that, near every parish church, "bow marks should be made, at which, on holidays, men might come and shoot, at least thrice about", and have usage of archery; and that whoever di

"at their goodly power", subject to the oversight and discretion of the sheriff. Honest yeomen, "having sufficient power", and willing to serve as men-at-arms, were to be "harnessed sufficiently" to the satisfaction of the same official; whilst all other yeomen in the realm, within the statutory limits of age, that is, between sixteen and sixty, were to be "sufficiently bowit and schaffit", or, in ot

h gloves of plate, breastplate, leg-splints, and knee-pieces, "at the least, or better, if he liked". The yeomen were divided into three classes, of which the highest, consisting of those whose property amounted to ￡20 in goods, was to be equipped with a good "doublet of fence", an iron hat, bow and sheaf of arrows, sword, buckler, and knife. Yeomen possessing no more than ￡10 in goods formed the second class. They were required to have a bow and arrows, sword, buckler, and knife; but though no defensive armour was mentioned in their case, it may be assumed that they were not expected to be less protected than the yeoman of the third class, who was no archer and could not deal with a bow, b

continued for years together; whilst the repeated injunctions to the various local authorities and officials to use their utmost diligence in enforcing the law afford proof that the burden of military service was irksome to those on whom it fell. But

minary measure, golf and football were to be "utterly cried down". "Bow marks" were to be set up. The smaller parishes were not required to have more than a pair of these butts; but, in the larger, according to their size, there were to be three, four, and even five. All the male inhabitants, from twelve to fifty years of age, were expected to practise every Sunday, and to shoot at least six shots. Defaulters were liable to a fine of not less than 2d.; and the money thus raised was to be given to those who were more regular in their attendance "to drink". This archery practice was to be kept up from Eas

fell short of the six ells that had always constituted the regulation size. For those yeomen who could not handle the bow, the substitution of a good axe and a targe of leather was authorized, as it had been in 1456. With regard to the la

elapse before James V, realizing the advantage which other nations had secured for themselves by the adoption of "small artillery", and the consequent necessity of providing himself with similar

f half or three-quarters of an inch internal diameter, fixed to a straight piece of wood or welded to an iron handle. The smallest were about four feet long and weighed some fifteen pounds, and the management of them was as complicated as the weapons themselves were unwieldy. The culveriner had, in addition to his cumbrous piece, "his coarse powder, for loading, in a flask; his fine powder, for priming, in a touch-box; his bullets in a le

ecessary accessories. Those who supplied the weapons were also called upon to provide men, not only to fire them, but also to teach others to do so. Neither the clergy nor even women were exempted from the general obligation; and the fine to be imposed on all who neglected to comply with the requirements of the Act was fixed at twice the price that would buy "each piece of the said artillery". As to the burghs, a commission was to be appointed for the purpose of deciding in what proportio

ntroduced by a reference to the great hurt, scaith, and damage done by the coming, in multitude, of horsemen, through the destruction of cornfields and meadows and the harrying of poor folk, and also to the great impediment made by them in the host, where all men had to fight on foot. It then went on to ordain that no manner of men should have horses with them, but should be ready to march on foot from the first meeting-place it might please the King to assign. For the journey to

the shire, and the commissioners appointed by the King, should, in every parish, choose a suitable man for each company levied within it, and should assign to him the duties of Captain. It was to be his special office to teach the men to march together and to bear their weapons, so that they might

pointing a general wapenshaw to be held on the 1st of May, 1599, specifies the arms with which persons of various ranks were to be furnished, and thus affords material for an estimate of the change which had taken place in the equipment of the Scots forces, as well as on the obligations which military service now entailed. Earls, lords, barons, and gentlemen were to be armed with corslet of proof, headpiece, vambraces, teslets or coverings for the thighs, and a Spanish pike. In addition to this, every earl was to have twenty stands of similar armour for his household; every lord, ten; and every baron, one, for every 15 chalders of corn. Every baron and gentleman whose living did not depend upon "victual"[288] was to provide a complete stand for every 1000 marks of his yearly rent; every gentleman worth 300 marks in yearly rent was to be furnished with a light corslet and

e might furnish the lieges thereof", and there consequently arose "a great necessity of bringing of the same home, forth of other countries". It was Sir Michael Balfour of Burleigh who, "not upon any respect of gain and profit that he might reap thereby, but upon the earnest affection and great regard he had to his Maj

be supplied in two qualities: lance and sword proof, and hagbut proof. The former was to cost ￡50, and the latter ￡10 more. A complete suit of armour for a

is is borne out by an Act of Privy Council passed in July, 1607. It set forth that, notwithstanding the Act of 1599 for general arming and wapenshawing, there had been no inspection within the kingdom for several years past, and that the "lovable custom, which of old was very precisely kept and was very necessary and expedient for the good of the kingdom", had fallen into desuetude by reason of the negligence of the sheriffs and other officials; and it required these "to charge all and sundry, by open procl

re to hold themselves in readiness "to come to the Border for the defence of the land when any wittering came of the incoming of a great English host". And if the ever-present danger assumed more definite form and an invasion was actually expected, letters were sent throughout the country, charging all the lieges to

resisting of our auld ynemyis of Ingland, the defence of the West Borders, and the repairing of a fort of strength in the town of Annan, the sum of ￡4000 should be raised

within the constabulary of Haddington, Selkirk, and Lauderdale, were called upon to assist and concur with the Lairds of Lethington, Whittingham, Elphinstone, Trabroun, and Wauch

ecret Council ordained that every 40-mark land, whether it were royal, temporal, or spiritual, should supply "one able, sufficient footman, well furnished, clad in new hose and a new doublet of canvas at the least, with a jack of plate, steel bonnet, splint sleeves of mail or plate, with a spear of six ells long or thereby". Every burgh within the realm was to provide a company consisting of 300 men, who were, as far as possible, to be hagbutters, furnished with powder flask, morsing horn, and all other gear belonging thereto. Two further compani

ive others of them, that is to say, a full half of the whole number, were raised for purposes similar to those indicated by an Act of Privy Council, in September, 1569, "to pass forthward for pursuit and invasion of the thieves, traitors, and rebellious subjects, inhabitants of the bounds of the Middle and West Wardencies". For such an expedition as that, there were called out "all and s

places where "hostelry was used" were informed beforehand, by public proclamation, that they would have to "prepare and have in readiness, baked bread, brewed ale, wine, and all other manner of horse meat and men's meat, and address them to transport and carry the same, by land or sea, to the camp, where it shall happen to be, there to be sold upon sufficient and good prices". If, as might be the case in the "countries most ewest of the Borders", lochs or rivers should have to be crossed or otherwise utilized for the purpose of the expedition, commandment an

he peace of the kingdom from the treacherous and bloodie plots, conspiracies, attempts, and practices of papists, prelates, malignants, and their adherents". In order to put the kingdom, with all possible speed, in a posture of defence, order was given that all fencible persons within sixty and sixteen years of age, should provide themselves with forty days' provisions of all sorts, in the most substantious manner, for horse and foot, with tents and all other furnishing requisite; that horsemen should be armed with pistols, broadswords, and steel caps; that where those arms could not be had, jacks or secrets, lances, and steel bonnets, and swords should be substituted for them. Footmen were to be armed with musket and sword, or pike and sword; but, failing these, they were to be furnished with halbards, Lochaber axes, or Jedburgh staffs, and swords. Colonels of horse and foot, and Committees of War were appointed in each sheriffdom, and were enjoined to form "their whole fencible persons into regiments,

both of horse and foot, who ran away from their colours, and empowered them, if they thought it expedient for the good of the army, to "decimate the fugitives, and cause hang the te

and wounded in the defence of the public cause as to be unfit for their ordinary employment; and that another appointed a Committee to devise measures for the relief of the

wars of the period. And to relate it further would be to recapitulate what

TORY

-TAIL

en. As the meat was being brought through the great hall, on a "trim engine", that seemed to move of itself, he made his appearance with a band of men disguised to represent the mythological monsters, and wearing long tails, in keeping with their assumed character. But he and his associates "were not content only to red roun". Whether merely acting on a mischievous impulse or deliberately carrying out a preconcerted joke, the mummers, as they passed near the English guests, put their hands to their tails and began wagging them. Hatton and his party "daftly apprehending that which they should not seem to have understood", and placing

erence to the popular belief that they were distinguished from the natives of other countries by the physical monstrosity of bearing tails. That this was accepted as an actual and disgraceful fact there is abundant evidence to prove. In a medieval Latin poem[292] devoted to an enum

ast is the

oth bear

d treat hi

e bids thee

, hatred and violent animosities, to which they gave vent by indulging in all kinds of invectives against each other. As an example of their scurrility, he mentions that they called the English drunkards and "tailards".[294] To suppose, from the very absurdity of the imputation, that it was merely cast as a taunt, and that no actual belief lay behind it, would be to ignore all that medieval credulity was capable of. Moreover, the attitude taken up by the English themselves, implied shame at an alleged deformity fully as much as anger at a wanton insult. On this point evidence is supplied by the Dominican monk Etienne de Bourbon, a moralist who flourished about the middle of the thirteenth century. In a

ow readily the obnoxious gibe came to the lips of those that wished to show their contempt for the islanders. Richard of Devizes, who wrote one of the earliest and most authentic narratives of the reign of Richard I, with whom he was contemporary, describes how, in 1190, the inhabitants of

obert de Brunne, supplies evidence of its having been written earlier than the year 1300. It is confessedly a translation from the French; and that may account for the appearance in it of an insulting epithet which an English writer might have hesitated to use, even as an invective in the mouth of an enemy. The Second Book of this romance is devoted to a journey to the Holy Land, which the English King

allid Rycha

aylard', and sayd

t Cyprus and sent messengers to the Emperor, and how that monarch "began to rage", threw a knife at

lards', of

say your 't

him no th

ch treatment of honourable knights who came to him in the character of

his nose b

raytour, th

English 'tay

from his narrative that he actually accompanied the Crusaders on the expedition which he records. He, too, refers to the hostile attitude assumed by the inhabitants of Messina towards the English King's followers, and stat

III, Louis VIII, continuing the aggressive policy inaugurated by his father, Philip Augustus, against the incapable administration of King John, made a vigorous effort to wrest Poitou from the English. Amongst the mos

ive King, 'tis a

ochelle, by the

the English no

ll harmless by break

e Louis, after being deserted by the discontented barons who had called him over, had suffer

agged our

e larks in

to our tails

really

e's Linco

be questioned

less against his brother's presumption, the English chief retired to Acre, with his two hundred knights; and the news of their departure drew from Artois the scornful exclamation that the army of the noble French was well purged of those "tailards".[304] Longsword was ultimately prevailed upon by the king to return; but it was not long before he had again to bear the brunt of Artois' overweening pride and insolence. A difference of opinion had arisen between the rash and headstrong Count and the more cautious Master of the Templars, as to the advisability of following up a successful attack that had just been made on the infidels. Longsword was present and attempted to intervene as a peacemaker between the disputants; but he only succeeded in drawing on himself the anger of the hot-headed Fren

the notice of their own king, and represented it as an insult to him and to the whole nation that they should have been so wantonly ill-used by the "tailards". In the reprisals which followed, Philip's brother, Charles, took a conspicuous part. Having a previous and personal grievance against the English, he vented his spite even on unoffending pilgrims and students. He hanged several of the poor wretches who fell into his hands; and, adding insult to injury, strung up dogs side by side with them, to intimate, says the Chronicle of Lanercost, the resemblance which he thought to exist between the two, o

o this is to be met with in a curious, half-literary, half-historical production, attributed to John of Bridlington. It is a political retrospect of the reign of Edward III, and consists of a supposed ancient text, in Latin verse, with a

shall learn what

meet the English

cked bullies are

'tailards' their ri

ere applied to them and which has been somewhat euphemistically translated by "big-buttocked", is intended as a set-off against the ignominious term by which they commonly designate the English; and that the four cockrels especial

he initial success of the English, whilst embittering the animosity of their enemies, inspired a restraining respect; and there is an expression of those

e that perjured

ure shows in a

ill, with banef

ghteous Frenchme

s they, and cons

you has suffere

fair, but yet

ths of falseho

isonous tail yo

he nations, a

king, be not m

em'ry let thi

led thou shoulds

is hallowing gra

death of Henry V in 1422; and the exultation caused by that ev

sat upon the

ance claimed al

ive as outcasts

red to stem the

dashed the scept

was scattered

w from English '

on all the recr

, in which an unknown writer celebrated the exploits of J

sh 'tailards

which the French gave utterance to their triumph in the traditional gibe at the alleged monstrosity of their old enemies. In his account of the evacuation of Paris,

d insult fell readily from the pen of the French versifiers who found subjects for their rhymes in the military incidents of the time. Thus, in t

amparts from t

from the Kin

d, and sent t

atch and ward,

lards'" enterpris

fall. Tournay was occupi

lois, and which is in substance a bitter invective against the English generally. It is undated; but an allusion to the porcupine, the well-known emblem of

arms will spe

the King 'that w

ncreased the animosity which inspired the two scurrilous lines in which he strung together as many opprobrious epithets as the measure of his verse would admit, and which duly included the t

greedy, fetid

ons, rid me of y

show that no special provocation was required, and that from century to century it currently served the purpose of those whom national antipathy prompted to revile the English, or to hold them up to ridicule. To begin with Eustache Deschamps, the

r grandly do

ight to all

the effect of the imposing

r legs they h

rumour says t

of the French with that of the English, ironically proclaiming the superiority of the latter as proved by the g

re more stout

renchman y

ens only Fr

re more stout

they carry

ail, so tri

re more stout

nchman you c

ders it better to indulge in the juice of the grape than to swill beer. Then, by an abrupt transition and, if with rhyme, without any special reason, he compares red-haired Englishmen to mastiffs. On the strength of that canine similitude, he impresses upon them the necessity for holding up their tails. He commiserates them on the additional burden which they have to carry, though not endowed with the physical vigour of Jacques Tho

LL

les A

gue," dist

aites que

bien," dist

s buvez l

s com pel

t, de moy

yrez par

stre que

es pas de

est Jaque

si merve

y pourriez

ux tonneau

, et la qu

us, dit Fr

stre que

et, par le

stre blé

troussez v

ent vostr

s pinciez

vous ne v

rance ou

re queue,

and "goday", "ride" and "commidre". He, on his side, intimated his recognition of their nationality by exclaiming: "Oh yes! I see your tail!" Whilst Granson, who had led him into the trap, made off laughing and calling out that he had no wish to stand surety for him, Deschamps was told that he would be kept in durance, an announcement which again drew from him the ta

LL

ne Aventur

trier trop

ay pour ve

dedenz co

lors vint d

evant et

ndrent par

"dogue", l'a

vint la co

l'un, l'autr

Oil, je voy

ontent s'e

qui estoit

"Vous ser

, vous este

son s'en

nt faisait

voit trahi

dist: "Pas

font de Di

Oil, je voy

es talons

cin, le se

, si furen

nson fut

ault treve

la face

ur ma mort

eur dist: "J

it l'un, vez

il, je voy v

glishmen's tails in a satirical poem, in which he alleges this physic

's a joke that I

English, as

y friend, 'tis the

long tails that

tury, humorously goes one step further than his fellow satirists, and gives even animals of English race a share in

is mother had C

he does

g about him of E

y his tail is

rétin, a Norman poet, combines encouragement of

eward the dough

rowns, and gol

som of the 'lon

one shall be as g

nglish "tailards" when they attempted to land at Dieppe.[325] Still nearer our own day, Saint-Amant, who, indeed, is so modern that he was one of the original members of the French Academy and figures in Boileau's satires, ha

re now we

too, have

e slew our '

food to gorge

art, thought it necessary to give an explanation of the epithet "quouez". According to him, it was justified by the fact that,

custom of slyly throwing at passers-by a hairy, clinging weed, which grows abundantly by the wayside. If any of it catches on to the victims of their childish trick, these are made aware of it by heari

excitement of international strife that the cry is first heard. The earliest instance of its use in the North Country is given by Bower. Under the date of 1217, he has an account of the mission to Scotland, undertaken by the Prior of Durham and the Archdeacon of York, in connection with the interdict under which th

both in treach'r

by whom long tail

arrison, conscious of its inability to hold out against the ten thousand foot and the thousand heavy-armed horse which the English leader commanded, agreed to surrender to him if it were not relieved within three days. In the meantime, John Baliol, anxious to retain so important a stronghold, sent his whole army of forty thousand foot and fifteen hundred horse to its succour. When the besieged saw this formidable force encamped on the heights above Spot, they felt confident of success; and in the

ispersed over the country, and the horse alone remained together and marched on Annan, where the Scots, thinking they had to do with a mere handful, received them with jeers and insults, as a pack of "tailed" dogs. But when it came to actual fighting, the heavy-armed cavalry proved too much for the dalesmen. They were driven into marshy ground, wh

ward Baliol, with his English supporters, and the army of David II, under the Earl of Mar. Trusting to their superior numbers and to their advantageou

lards', jeered at

cots were beaten, and one of the chroniclers who record their defeat, reminds them of Seneca's saying, that never did proud joy stand on a sure footing. "Now," he add

the fourteenth century, and which probably refer to the driving out of the English from some of the strongholds which they h

ared, a while the

t, they've all

ve gone, and f

land, hail the h

the fact that it introduces the familiar "tails" under a new name. It occurs in The Flyting of Dunbar and Kennedy, that remarkable production which, though probably nothing more than a jeu d'esprit, a kind of friendly sparring-match between two adversaries "who give each other plaguy knocks with all the love and fondness of a br

n brocht Inglis 'r

an himself, after the battle of Flodden, had written against the Scots, with the scurrility which characterized him and which made him obnoxious even to his own countrymen; and it seems probable that Dundas's lines occurred in a poem written as a retort. The only connection between them, however, c

n's a dog, be

dog he bears

ailard', hold th

rop from thee

their tails, t

t a burden of

the statement that, "The most vile Scot, Dundas, alleges that Englishmen have tails". Apostrophizing him as a "shameless, noxious, foul-mouthed, lyin

Dun

cottis

es and

ishmen ha

on La

this

th with

Engl

n Du

cotti

ayle, Scot,

gest at ever

Scot,

e the, d

s of

versyfy

have ta

eady recorded, Hatton and his countrymen waxed so wroth, the "tailard" taunt is not again heard in the story of the old feud between England and Scotland. From

RT

the inhabitants in 1298. "The English, like the most ungrateful men that they were," says the Minorite author, "dragging after them their habitual tail, and eager to plunder the town of Ghent and to slay those that resisted them, set fire to it in four places, at the four corners, so to speak, in order that the people of Ghent, whilst endeavouring to extinguish the conflagration, should be less careful about the custody of their property."[340] In the Eulogium Historiarum, too, there is a passage where the word cauda occurs in such a connection as to make it quite clear that the literal acceptation would be out of place, the more so, indeed, from the circumstance that the "tail" is bestowed, not on an Englishman, but on a Scot, and on a Scot no less genuine than Robert the Bruce. Referring to the capture and punishment of the Scottish King's adherents, the chronicler adds that Bruce himself found safety in flight and concealment, but that this did not in the least trouble Edward, who, now that his enemy's tail was completely cut off, was quite willing that he should wander about, wherever he found it easiest to save his life.[341] And if, in this instance, the amputation of the tail is a figure of speech intended to convey the notion of reducing to powerlessness, it might be argued, with some show of reason, that, even when applied to Englishmen, as in the lines which exultingly proclaim how the French King made them harmless by submitting them to similar treatment, the expression does not necessarily imply the actual possession of a real tail. This would add yet another

to give the messenger of the Gospel a hearing, but also raised a very storm of mocking and contumely against the Saint and his companions. In their shameless audacity, they fastened the tails of sea-fish to the garments of the holy men. Indigna

the Evil One, attacked Augustine and his brethren, and expelled them from their midst, after having heaped insults upon them, and how they carried the indignity of their conduct so far as to fasten the tails of ray-fish, or skate, to the clothes of the holy missionaries. The attitude which William of Malmesbury credits Augustine with assuming in the circumstances seems less in keeping with what we e

miracle. The writer to whom we owe the legend in this complete form is Robert Wace, of Jersey, the Anglo-Norman poet and author of the Brut, a rhymed chronicle written but a few years, probably not more than a decade, after William of Malmesbury's Gesta Pontificum. Differing fr

came and to t

's law. Full ea

en by nature v

of the holy tr

e stood befor

od, God's prec

to his garment

tails they drov

yed that, for Hi

of the Lord m

offers and His

n who did the

and shall be t

t of their d

o say, to ev

t by whom the

tail; and thu

disgrace the

progeny, fro

or the deed whi

ow, for all t

too, in memo

ose who, lewd

d of God with tai

Saint's vengeance had, by this time, got abroad, and that foreigners now credited all Englishmen indiscriminately with the tails which the transgressors themselves and their posterity had alone been condemned to bear. That those tails were called "muggles", and that the men whom they disgraced were nicknamed "mugglings", are further circumstances for the knowledge of which we are indebted t

w at him with the bones, and afterwards attacked him with grievous stones. And so they did him shame and drove him out of the place. To St. Austin they were odious, and he became exceeding wroth; and he proceeded five miles from Dorchester, and came to a mount that was mickle and fair; there he lay on his knees in prayer and called ever toward God, that he should avenge him of the cursed folk, who had dishonoured him with their evil deeds. Our Lord hea

gravating circumstances of violence and contumely. But what imparts special interest to the pass

e thai keste uppon hym the guttis of reyghes and of other fysshe, wherefore the good man seynt Austyn was sore anoyede and grevede, and prayede to God that alle the childerne that shulde be borne afterward in that citee of Rochestre muste have tayles. And wherre the

eason why Englishmen are called "tailards", Manning closely follows Wace, some of whose lines, indeed, he translates with literal accuracy. He closes his narrative of the incident, however

he stod the

avacion fo

n his clothe

llis on a

had don

ym thenne w

they gan

ey casten

man God

m that vile

m and on al

e men schul

aunted al

hat kynde

dde and ta

gaunce non m

tailles the go

l Englische k

sere lo

es we have u

the satire reference is naturally made to the outrage of which St. Augustine was the victim. After giving an account of the saint's mission to England, the anonymous author continues: "As he went about from city to city, preaching, it happened that he preached in the city which is called Rochester. But, whilst he was preaching, the inhabitants of the city flocked together about him, and, deeming his words to be lies, subjected him to many insults. After reviling him with opprobrious words, they fastened tails of swine and of cows to the skirt of his garments, spat into his face, and drove him out of the city."[350] The saint prayed that they who had insulted him might be punished, to the end that the divinity of his mission should be brought home to them.

that of France. It is referred to by Fazio degli Uberti, an Italian poet who lived between 1326 and 1360, and whom D. G. Rossetti deals wit

w not; but so

r, and by all

it to note i

e is a certa

where folk are

in stags and such

ment, unaccompanied with any further details, however

hwith heard him and strake them with tails for their punishment". Greater interest attaches to the story as told in the English version of the Golden Legende. Though not less credulous than were his predecessors as to the punishment inflicted on the impious people who insulted the saint, the writer who interpolated th

him the tayles of thornback or like fisshes, wherefor he besought Almyghty God to shewe his jugement on them, and God sente to them a shameful token, for the children that were borne af

him or listen to his preaching. They opposed him rebelliously in everything, contradicted all he said, did their utmost to distort his actions, on which they put sinister interpretations, and, impious to relate, carried their audacity so far as to sew and hang fish tails to his garments. But what they intended as an insult to the holy father brought eternal disgrace on themselves and on their posterity, and opprobrium on their unoffending country. He smote them in the hinder parts and cast lasting shame upon them by causing similar tails to grow both on their own persons and on those of their offspring. And here the Abbot of Inchcolm becomes particularly interesting by reason of the wholly new information which he imparts. He states that there was a special name for the punitive tail. "Such a tail

f Rochester, intending it as an insult to him, docked his horse's tail. But their iniquitous action was foiled of its purpose and recoiled on themselves; for it was found that thenceforth all the children born in that place were tailed."[355] From this we first learn that a new character had by th

predecessor, there was a basis of histo

r, who, together with Nigel de Sacheville, incumbent of Harrow, was solemnly excommunicated by the Primate, on Christmas day, had cut off the tail of Becket's horse, as an insult to its owner. According to the two brother-monks, the Archbishop made direct reference to this indignity in his interview with the four conspirators, Reginald Fitzurse, Hugh de Moreville, William de Tracy, and Richard le Breton. "The tail of a mare in my service," he said, "has been shamefully cut off, as if I could be disgraced by the docking of a brute beast."[357] It

ced that it had not been perpetuated through the ages. The chapter in which Major recapitulates the old story, is mainly devoted to the outward form and appearance of the English, and contains a great deal about "skiey influence". Thus, it comes of "skiey influence" that close by the Arctic pole people are of foul aspect. And, if in some parts of Africa men are born with the head of a dog, "this, too, is a matter of skiey influence and carries with it no other influence". After this preamble the author proceeds to relate the conversion of Kent-how Augustine laboured so strenuously that, in a short space of time, he brought to the faith the king himself and almost the whole people; how, passing on to Rochester, he began there, too, to preach th

of Dorchester, who mocked and derided St. Augustine, still have "tails behind, like brute beasts, and are therefore called tailed Englishmen". It is worthy of notice that, owing, doubtless, to the misreading of some Latin text and t

ing the Augustinian myth into his Scottish prose rendering of Hector Boece,

alliegis thay dang him with skait rumpillis. Nochtheless, this derisioun succedit to thair gret displesoure: for God tuke on thaim sic vengeance, that thay and thair posteritie had lang talis mony yeris eftir. In memo

mothers might secure for their children immunity from the consequences of the saint's vindictiveness, it is from his Scottish predecessor that he takes the name of the town which witnessed the affront, and in which t

g beyond his acquaintance with the legend, it may be quoted, for the sake of complet

Sanct Augustin

l front

nected it with Augustine. He confines himself to recording the outrage, and to stating, with due caution, that, because of it, the pe

, he says, riding like a pious and upright man, on his little ass, the holy man came to a certain village where he stopped to take some food. Here the country folk made fun of his lowly mount, and cut off the poor ass's tail. Thereupon, the dear saint complained to Almighty God, and prayed to such purpose that, even to this very day, all the boys that are born in that village bring with them into the world little tails rooted to their hinder parts. From this circumstance has arisen the byword wh

n who understood this to mean that, in his heart, he desired the death of the Archbishop who, in consequence, began to be generally neglected, despised, and hated. Such was the position of affairs when Thomas one day came to Stroud, on the Medway, near Rochester. There, the inhabitants, anxious to inflict some insult on the good father, now that he was in disgrace, did not hesitate to cut off the tail of the horse on which he was riding. By this act, however, it was on themselves that they brought lasting shame. For, by the judgment of God, it happened that the descendants of

handed down concerning the tails of Englishmen is mere nonsense, and apologizes for reproducing it, on the score that English chroniclers themselves report it quite seriously. The Becket legend which he thus introduces affords him an opportunity of

Britons doc

t's nag,

s why all

tails to th

d Alexander of Esseby-that is, Ashby-who record that, "for castynge of fyshe tayles at thys Augustine, Dorsett shyre men had tayles ever after", and Polydore Vergil, who "applyeth it unto Kentysh men at Stroude, by Rochester, for cuttynge of Thomas Beckett's horse's tayle", the author of the Actes of Englysh Votaryes says: "Thus hath England, in all other landes, a perpetual dyffamy of tayles by their wrytten legendes of lyes, yet can they not wele tell where to bestowe them trulye".[366] In another passage he inveighs still more bitterly against "the Spiritual Sodomytes" who "in the legends of their san

generally, and that-unkindest cut of all-by their own fellow countrymen. He is evidently acquainted with several versions of the story; but whilst denouncing the authors of all of them, he is particularly incensed against Polydore, whom he quite unjustly accuses of "lashing out further" than his authorities, and of endeavouring "to outly the lowdest Legendaries". I

e cause, that the Dogges under the table would not once take bread at their hands. Such (belike) was the vertue of his curse, that it gave to brute beasts, a discretion and knowledge of the persons, that were in danger of it. Boetius (the Scotishe chronicler) writeth, that the lyke plague lighted upon the men of Midleton in Dorsetshir

nations abrode, that many of them believe as verity, that we have long tailes and be monsters by nature, as other men have their due partes and members in usual number. Polydore (the wisest of the companye) fearing that issue might be taken upon the matter, ascribeth it to one speciall stocke and family, which he nameth not, and yet (to leave it the more uncertain) he

t, seeing that he does insert them often and without discretion, he must be read with great suspicion and wariness. "For, as he was by office Collector of the Peter pence to th

usly regarded as distinctive of Kentish men alone, was incidentally referred to by several poets. It supplied Sir John Mennis, the author of Musarum

liver us' from

alvin pardone

net's sake, th

Kent always shall

zons of the Shires", as set forth

ur account, doth

on first, 'Long tail

bras, has a couplet

ature sure

beards, f

ce of Munster, in Carrick Patrick church, seated on a hill or rock, stormed by the Lord Inchequine, and where were neare 700 put to the sword and none saved but the Mayor's wife and his son, there were found among the slain of the Irish, when they were stript, divers with tailes near a quarter of a yard long. The relator being very diffident of the truth of this story, after enquiry was ensured of the

at their backs, in punishment hereof, "all that generation had that given them by nature, which so contemptibly they fastened on the backs of these holy men", Fuller adduces this to show that "most of the miracles assigned unto Augustine, intended with their strangeness to raise and heighten, with their lev

this lying wonder was not laied in any part of Kent, but pretended many miles off, nigh Cerne in Dorsetshire." His own opinion is that the saying is "first of outlandish extraction and cast by Forrainers as a note of disgrace on all the English, though it chan

the common sorte of people to carry their own necessaries; and it matters not much whether the pocket be made on either side, or wholly behind. If any demand how this nickname (cut off from the rest of England) continues still entailed on Kent. The best conjecture is, because that County lieth nearest to France, and the French are beheld as the first

at the Kentish army, advancing under the covering of branches from the trees, might have appeared to the enemy as a wood, until, standing in face of them and casting down their leafy screen, they at once appeared threatening with sword and spear". Freeman rejects the story altogether. But even its truth, which Fuller may be excused for accepting, would h

s than three other explanations, of which one bears considerable resemblance to that favoured by Fuller. Aft

ntrymen had received by the Saxons, they dispersed themselves into divers companies into the woods, and so did much damage by their suddaine assaults to the Saxons, that Hengist, their king, hearing the damage that they did (and not knowing how to subdue them by force) used this policy. Hee sent to a company of them and gave them his word for their liberty and safe returne, if they would come unarmed and speake with him. This they seemed to grant unto, but for their more security (knowing how little hee esteemed oaths or promises) they went every one of them armed with a shorte sword, hanging just behind under their garments, so that the Saxons thought not of any weapons they h

o either "foppish" or "cowardly". But whilst none of the cited instances of its use justifies the former of these interpretations, there are only a very few of them that can be strained into imparting even slight plausibility to the latter. Neither does there appear to be anything to support Professor Wattenbach's suggestion that Englishmen may have been called "tailed" because of the way in which they wore their hair. Finally, a work entitled England under th

n the insult offered to St. Augustine, about which there is no room for scepticism, it only requires a knowledge of the medieval spirit to account for the sequel. Impressed by the sanctity of the apostle of England and by the greatness, or, indeed, the divinity of his mission, the early biographer looked upon it as inevitable that the sacrilege of those who dishonoured him should draw down upon them the wrath of Heaven. Was not the disrespect of the children who called the Prophet "bald head" visited upon them? The conviction that this should be the case easily led to the assumption that it was. And a very slight effort of imagination sufficed to devise a punishment s

N

Conventions within Burgh fir

Martyr of t

, invasion

ines for abstention fro

r, lay siege to

lasgow, temporal

old Scotti

tment for organi

s for remaining away f

atute concerning mil

ncourages ar

concerning militar

training org

ns introdu

oncernin

tland to be un

drill orga

ement at close of 1

ct of Scotti

campaign, how

ort servi

n service

ervice on the

issaria

rvice under Ch

ng with dese

blishing pe

t of, and English "

"Longtail" myth, ?32

proprietor of M

obtains monopoly for s

Laird of Lady

Presbyteri

municate

ed by Andrew

to Edinbu

nce against

rred to Gl

to the Cont

be lurking in

with Pap

o capture Ail

n the Crai

death

of, his gift to M

his description of

tion with "Longtai

by Robert

ce of his courtship

Mary,

entage

portrai

olph in love w

en of the

erses in praise

larly of fou

ntended bequest of

o Ogilvie, o

ge contra

o her from

d, and Jame

s description of

ified by Jam

aith, inhabits Castle o

ts a harb

Little Cumbrae hos

at Dumbarton

concerning milita

ament" o

Salkeld on a day

inst violation

ring conveyed to Wi

Armstrong's friends a

ds an attack on Carl

popular in S

that he should be delive

lf at Convention

it his case to Co

to ward by Ja

into English

ed to Eliz

his donation to M

s Livy with Ma

ise of Mary's le

the Four Marys,

ry Flemi

ry Beton

to James

e Regni apud

account of destruction o

ters imprisoned in Du

ames VI, practic

obert, devastate

f Laird of, to recover

of family

xposes sham miracle

of Scottish

ordanhill, captures Du

d on the Sma

uilt by the

Robert Boyd of B

y the Montg

cles in several room

y Stuart to Mary

of May Island, sets up

nds monastery on

ted monastery to mon

ce on the B

Act dealing

founds the Chape

rming grant of l

e of, and Monk

eep of May l

, rock of

eaty of U

fort on,

d by Norse

dward I,

sword kept in

with the help of Lair

Parson of Kin

Earl of L

d taken by Roy

by Regent

omas Crawfurd of

ovenanters by Pro

as a pri

e taken by En

hn de, and Monks

Battle

and St. Gi

s land to Monks of

, and Mary Stuar

ncerning burial of Sec

ots concerning Maister Ra

demanding the delive

, nominated Provost of

s to the

ovost by coll

Stewarts of

Glasgow Ca

inst him by Stewar

erning archery,

s, coués, caudati), references to,

oem descriptive of nation

ues de Vi

ne de Bour

rd of Devi

f Richard Coer

ent. Germ.

e of Lanercost

ew of Paris

ishange

ry Knight

of Bridling

th invasion of Fran

r Basselin,

e on Jeanne

onstrel

ge de la ville

la Mort contre les

Deschamps's w

Molinet's p

Crétin

y's Les Trom

mant's Rome R

Conrar

ower, ?

ngburgh, ?

Bower,

ous politica

Dunbar and Kenn

kelton,

hn Oxene

les Ganden

gainst them taken

his liberality to

esieged in Dumba

, Mary,

to Mary S

n of the B

y Sir Henry

, by Secretary

es Maitl

t on morning of Bo

to Mary at L

r by Mary at S

of her hu

eth for burial of hu

petty annoyances

sion of husband'

cried down to enco

roprietor of Ma

ted by Eng

is gift of land to Monas

., feast

ory of,

of Edinburgh de

ic of,

of, destro

Riotous,

Scottish burghs at begin

Provost and selecti

one of Blythswood appo

f Lennox, and Town

n Council to Pri

election of Magistr

tone elected Provost

oppose new system

s of partisans of Ste

Elphinstone at

awful Conventions within

matter of issue between Sir George E

cried down" to enco

is liberality to M

t as Buccleuch'

cry of "la Coue" st

, Battle

culverins) introduced i

ilds church at

asion of Fra

rter in Edinburgh coat

against them taken

and arch

tary equipm

sits May Isl

foundation of shrin

s and gifts to th

s "small art

as statesm

y's estima

or Masson'

and of Thirl

of kingshi

Buchana

f circumstances and infle

essness and re

e law against

hereditary

hes flying

es the Bo

sentee K

n of England an

s estimat

poet,

field o

on his Lep

ghan o

ott's England's

's Garden of t

's epigra

eaumont's est

to be Observit and Eschew

rst verse

anto quote

s Mistris my Ladie

t to his son

net on Sic

nning rhy

ection to

complaining of Will Arm

th of Spenser's reflect

r of Maister Randolp

prehended by An

, story of Bal

ner by Thomas

by Buccle

ts down "practisi

nds Ladyla

nds George

s Ailsa Cr

-will by his

ion on his b

eference to Mary

duction of Masqu

t of Court sc

charge against Mar

struction of statue

hases priory of May from

proprietor of M

irst lay proprietor o

e, Governor of Dum

by James VI, ?

Battle

ottish Cou

on Isle of

gram on Batt

on, Mary

entage

t's gifts to

ames Sempill of

ous assertion con

ding,

edding gifts

n night of Rizzi

ended bequests

gh with Mary, aft

having royal jewels in

am, and "tailard

h", Story of

as given by Go

Malmesbury's Gest

t Wace's Br

yamon, ?

prose version

ning's Story of

gainst inhabitants o

li Uberti's Dit

occacci

er of Essebye

ersion of Golde

ter Bower

hn Major

cole Gil

ellende

Dunbar

énébrar

lt of Schau

ergil's Anglica

laume Para

ridiculous by

am Lambarde

omas Ful

of, suggested b

nes Mory

ranks and Merry Jests of

u Cange

ssor Watten

of England under

estion as to or

in Ital

Cult of our La

n of nam

lth of

dy of, carried off

t), chapel of, founded b

ed by James

ower attribu

imposture a

ction of,

right of appointing Provost and B

George Elphinst

is authority t

he offices" of Glasgow t

lines on shrine and he

olphe's Fant

s of poem,

orship

courts and marries

ath o

rlstane and Jam

s Cupbearer, and M

ueen's, question of it

en of Sco

beaut

portrai

complex

r eye

hair,

rs wig

r han

voice,

statu

figur

cocious

tin disco

books,

wledge of

ish and It

nglish,

of French

r of French p

ms on her

writing

amusement

ncing

lute and vi

s, tables, an

puppe

fancy-wor

sportswo

of dogs,

allmall, and golf amon

courage

rom Dumbar

her will,

s to her M

burgh after Ca

eton's courtship of

lizabeth of a book writ

he four,

popular

family na

mbarton with Ma

mention of t

in masqu

s verses to

eir influence wit

Isle of

iption o

t. Adria

stery o

donations to

monks with rival

red by Sw

to Bishop of St.

een Scottish "cell" of, and Eng

f Gueldre

visits to

tes abo

or quaran

prietors o

use on Scottish

ouse built in

Sir Walter S

lighthou

, Governor of Dumb

ng organized in

hoine de, of doubt

educati

ith Baron de G

a rich wi

tragedy of So

Stuart" tragedy, l

adversary in

s to Engl

s tragedy to J

s to Fran

t treatise on poli

otestant pa

ncounter with C

, and Glas

", meanin

for neglect of mil

aicté de l', published

, of Boyne, marrie

prisoned in Dumba

timate of Bruce's

tional, of "L

, 329-31, 331-2, 332

3, 344, 345, 346-7,

355, 356, 356-

ed by English,

bar, action raised again

lished in Scot

, Battle

elic of St. Giles to Edinb

ittenweem o

description of life

of Court sc

and's courtship of

d marriage of Mary

with Mary B

ttish Cou

ing a satire again

denial,

, and May Island,

wers jeered at as "t

m against "tailards"

reigns on the Ro

ns Bruce of Menteith's i

Stuart's admir

hrine of Loretto in

lleged sham miracle

ssession of stronghol

Willie Armstrong of K

angels from Nazareth

of Scone and Mon

the Fasting

otstarvit, improve

er, visits May

e, Governor of Dumb

Beltreis, marries M

parenta

oned by L

England as

enmity of

o the bo

eath

ton, gets possession of Ca

Mary,

usker of ha

entage

with Mary Stuart a

ochleve

tuart during c

rew Beton's court

bey of St. Peter

morial of

May Isla

account of Ma

ary Stuar

to Mary by Bra

manuscript copy

in honour of Mary Stuart,par

onal stan

nce of Brant?me's

e poem rest

suggests improvemen

and Town Council

n to extension of mun

ultuous demon

George Elphi

enter ward in

d to Perth and

nst them by Sir Geor

gedy, the fi

hed in 16

ed to Jame

s of trage

aris university jeered

unt of John Scott, the

plunders Monast

t., legen

ged by English

ce in old Scott

f Dumbart

and Jacobites imprisoned

ast of the Bean at

, record siege of

d Scotland projecte

s, students of in

ews, Mary's intended b

in Castle on Litt

, meaning

e applied by French to En

f Loretto, restores groun

, establis

enactment con

h and 16th ce

their unpopular

May Isl

rms grants to Monks

itary serv

tes Nymphen an

account of martyrdom

Parson of Kincardine's seizu

t of in old Scot

nto three cl

TNO

QUEEN

poem, Maister Randolphe's

s practical unanimity. Even if Sir George Scharf had not pointed it out, it would hardly be possible to overlook the peculiarity of the compressed lips. They are not thin, however, though, on the other hand, they are very far from possessing that fulness which physiognomists look upon as an indication of sensuality. Another feature, so often reproduced as to be almost characteristic and distinctive, is the strongly-marked V depression in the middle of the upper lip. The cheek is full in its lower part, but not unduly so. The chin is well-developed, but is neither cloven nor dimpled.... Prince Labanoff declared that, with the exception of one portrait-and that of dubious authenticity-none renders even youth or average beauty. Quite recently Major Martin Hume wrote of Mary that 'a contemplation of her known authentic portraits, even those taken in the best years of her youth and happiness, does not carry conviction that her physical beauty alone can have been the cause of the extrao

s, vol. i

moirs,

t?me, t.

moirs,

n Elizabeth and her

ife of Queen Mary,

, vol. ii,

lle's Memo

T. v,

uvres,

the Reformation,

apiers d'état,

. v, p

ue Fran?oise,

ry Stuart, published by

Randolph to Cec

t?me, t.

y Queen of Scots. Banna

entories

de Romances", Inv

t in the entry: "Danies Vgieri in

llection of Stat

ers Illustrative of English Histo

entories

in Frenche", Inv

e Ronsard, vo

of this literary forge

heme shows how these

'

riae Stuartae, 1624", i

ry, 24 N

Randolph to Cec

] P

n Jebb, vol

P.

] I

n Jebb

n Doron, p. 1

urarii Regin? Scoto

llection of Inven

entories

l, in Haynes's Stat

gali Potestate, edi

ories, pp.

Lettres de Marie Stu

te sur la personne de la Royne d'Escosse", pu

the Reformation,

entories

FOUR

ry of the Reforma

dolph reports: "The frenche potticarie and the woman he

s, pp. 291-311, there is an exhaustive discussion of the various poi

ey's History of

t?me, t.

f the Reformation, bo

s of Scotl

l of Occurr

f State Papers,

Y FLE

the Maitland Club,

rammatum,

tate Papers, Eliz.

te Papers, Eliz., vo

te Papers, Eliz., vo

ate Papers, Eliz.,

te Papers, Eliz., vo

entories

entories

or esmaille de blancq et rou

me fa?on garnye de lj piece

n contenante soixante piece

ssy de blancq et rouge g

ante lij pieces esmaillez de blanc et rouge et

entories

the Register House; c

, Lettres de Marie S

moirs,

ry of the Kirk of Scot

e of Mary Queen of Sc

f State Papers,

93; cf. Calendar of State Papers, vol. iv, Oct

Margaret Burnet to John, Duke of

rliaments of Scotla

LIVIN

Life of Queen Ma

entories

bid.,

at relatifs à l'Histoire

Lives of the Queens of

Papers relating to Sc

bid.,

the Reformation,

, Lettres de Marie S

es, pp. xlvii,

id., p.

t, op. cit

RY B

entories

Papers relating to Sc

ntories,

entories

Papers relating to Sc

entories

RY S

] P

entories

of the Queens of Scotland,

Life of Queen Mary,

, t. vii, p. 123; t. iii

T. v,

ginal is writ

., t. iv, pp. 341-4, 37

Papers relating to Sco

NG OF MA

pp. 84, 85

gueux, Cas

8]

RANDOLPHE'

n to the Earl of Be

ph to Sir William C

1]

ph to Sir William C

3]

4]

5]

ph to Sir William C

id. 9 Se

id. 15 D

h to the Earl of Bed

sent into Scotland to commune respecting ...

h to the Earl of Lei

il, 19 Feb., 1566; the Queen of Sco

3]

th to the Queen of

h to the Queen of Sc

olph to Sir W. Ce

ph to Sir William C

to Sir William Cecil,

o the Queen of Scots, G

ph to Cecil,

s of the "Scottish Texts Society". It has not, however, been thought necessary to alter the

cotland-Elizabeth, vo

weriéd, we

ipper, s

employ, have

ande, at

hen as,

cree, ho

wone

erst, p

ase, wi

carry on the siege w

e found pretence, s

eporte,

urde, st

ng sture, sti

ntre-packe, secre

e where,

, sought wit

favell, cu

owme, p

it, create bu

trade,

udinge, d

e, give fre

brute,

vidently intended to convey the idea of influence or exalted

h to Cecil, 3

ph to Cecil,

d., 19 Ju

ecil's

h to Cecil, 1

rnal of O

ph to Cecil,

rnal of O

History of th

to Archbishop Bet

of the Refor

pirrye

est, give

es, course

belonging to t

adlie,

oport, p

atethe, p

neighbourhood, asserts that Mary once slept at Crookston Castle then belonging to the Lennox family. It may have

wage, t

trayns

. Cokbourn

, judgment

] P.

ST "STUAR

de Montchrestien,

. cit.,

p. cit.

p. cit.

cit., pp

p. cit.

p. cit.

cit., pp

cit., pp

ORE

the Regality of M

thre albis, thre ametis, and thre altar towellis to oure Lady Chapell of

ll the fruntale, v-1/2 elnis quhite satyne, price of

billis and fruntell, ane quarter yallo

runtell, ij unces silk, price

rnessing of the thre vestimentis, fruntell, st

ingis armes apoun the saidis thre vestimentis

ntell, sewing of the albis, and croces to t

vi, pp

nts, vol. v

ccounts

Experience and ane Cou

bid., l

id., ll.

ce and superstition, it was believed that if women that were in hard labour did sent ane offering to the

believed to have endured a fast of forty days and nights in Scotland, England, and Italy. He also says that, when impelled by a higher power, he could not perish by fasting, as by the kindness of the Holy Virgin he has already been able to prove; if he should wish to do this by way of wager or bargain, that he would fail. He declares that he has no sensation of hunger when he fasts, that he loses neither his strength nor his flesh, feels neither heat nor cold, goes about with head and feet naked equal

he Kirk of Scotland, Wo

the Regality of M

ISLE O

Account of Scotlan

, History of

arly Travellers in

n, Scotland bef

erdonen., Pars Hy

Book v

Kentigerni,

atus Insule de Ma

he Priory of the I

Prioratus,

Prioratus,

arters 2

rioratus, Cha

Char

Prioratus,

Char

iory of the Isle of May

iory of the Isle of May

he Priory of the I

e Abbot and Convent of Reading on the Priory o

p. cit.

cit., p.

. cit.,

. cit.,

it., pp. xc

History of Scotla

Priory of the Isle of

fe of Sir Walter S

AND HER PA

Estiva, F

y of Edinbur

y of Edinbur

of the Reforma

CK OF DU

aser, The Lenno

Irish Antiqu

Fraser, op.

aser, op. cit.,

Ibid.,

rygynale Cronykil

Ibid.,

Scotland: Elizabeth,

yne's Memori

bles in Scotland and Engl

AS STATESMA

ay on Joh

Privy Council of Scotl

History of Sco

History of Sco

Privy Council of Scotl

Privy Council of Sco

Privy Council of Scotl

New Poems by Jam

New Poems by Jam

3]

4]

. cit.,

. cit.,

illies, Edin., 1814; Th

ott, op. ci

of the Kirk of Scotland,

. cit.,

bid., p

p. cit.

of punning rhymes on the names of certain learned professors, which some of them were sagacious enough to turn into Latin. As a sample of the

rst of men, whence

resident, and fir

id defend, which thou

nd he the same right

ed master Sands, and

e barren sands, but t

most subtilie the

ristotle, although

ster Reid, who thou

disput blush, nor of h

King the lists, and

g as a queene shou

aise have I thus pla

e hence be called the C

atalogue of Royal

6, vol. i

SION OF AI

Elizabeth, vol. xlix, No. 51.

ie of the Kirk of Scotla

and: Elizabeth, vol. l, N

, Scotland: Elizab

Scotland: Elizabeth,

, i; 17; Register of the Privy

ol. v,

the Privy Counci

F A BALLAD-"K

ottswood

the Privy Council,

f the Privy Coun

ON THE WE

he Privy Council, v

OUS GL

the Privy Council,

n of Glasgow" are to be found in the Register of the

D SCOTTI

, vol. i, Coll.

rous incapacity of the Scottish rustic to handle a bow", may have been intended "to fortify the

Parl., vol

Parl., vol

Parl., vol

Parl., vol

arl., vol.

arl., vol.

s "Testamnt", those fourteen lines of which Mr. Oman says that they "contain all the princi

d be all Sc

mosse themse

wallis be bo

eis do the

acis gar kei

e planeland

thai pass a

i find na thi

nd waykings

noyis mai

e turnen wit

chassit wit

e consall

g Robert's

riv. Coun.,

he old Scots term fo

riv. Coun.,

riv. Coun.,

LONG-TA

Melville's Mem

enbach, of Berlin, to the Anzeiger f

tergo caudam geri

"Ave", sicut

ulentes, et ils se faisaient impudemment les uns aux autres toutes sortes d'affronts et d'insultes.

eas Deus fecit sine cauda. In hoc caudatae contumeliam Deo faciunt, cujus opus imperfectum et insufficiens, quantum in ipsis est ostendunt, dum creacioni suae caudas addunt. Item,

tur; Graeculi enim et Siculi omnes hunc regem sequentes Anglos et ca

Leon, Weber's Metrical

] P.

9]

. . la G

e et la g

raite de

ent noz

s oilz nos

udneis nus

jor nos la

erins mor

touent e

evres fure

erm., vol. x

] P.

upella regnat,

rum, quia cauda

caudas Francos,

tis, superest L

e cum cachinno, "Nunc bene mundatur magnificorum exerc

entibus multis, os in haec convitia resolvit, dicens, "O timidorum caudatorum formidolositas, quam b

ie, ubi non audebis caud

e town, and his surcoat with the royal French lilies was exhibited to the Moslems as a proo

rities for this

fuit regni turbatio; et ejus bilem contra Anglicos commoverunt, dicentes t

elatione sui principis provocati, videlicet, Karoli fratris Regis Franciae, qui odium conceperat gentis nostrae, eo quod non potuit fratrem proprium regno supplantare, Regis Edwardi consilio fulcitum in hoc parte. Nam

iliter aggressi, duas ex ipsis continuo perimerunt, suspendentes homines in navibus ad trabes navium su

r cullos Galloru

ti, pro caudi

al Poems and Songs (R

glorum, morum f

rum procuras

i, quos tractas

ti fidem quam

ti fraudem tu

m caudam quam

o tu praesul

it Deus ipsum

cit. vol. i

Engloys se fa

ance, par s'

hors du

n?oys horz d

t à Sainct Fi

ance ils sont

mot de ces E

soyt tres tou

Edit. L. Du

The poem was discovered by M. Paul Meye

terre. Et a leur département, firent lesdiz Parisiens gra

roy me voulut

r que point n

disant que n'

is guect et

re des couez

e la France, nou

ant vous gaign

y coué, vost

e et XVIe Siécles

fectz, gloutons

, que jamais

d.,

grandeur est

voit aler p

ue mettent co

bes, que rumeu

es co

nciens Textes)

3

ND

ais out u

s fors sont

ran?oiz c

iz portent

s fors sont

onneaux po

ueue pro

s fort sont

ran?oiz c

vol. iv

res, vol.

res, vol.

idez vous qu

e voulsi

eterre

gue coue.-Chans

3

nne vient

ut Cathau

lignage d

te trés lo

, sub voc

3

querr

, ang

a chair

gloys

rues depuis que je chargeay si bien les Anglois c

II,

?tres et les

des Angl

aux furen

mis par

id., st

m, que l'on nomme coccyx, qui leur avance, ce qui fait

edicti clerici

e falsa procreati

ar, praeparatus ad bellum per turmas suas. Quod cum vidissent novi castrenses, et ex visione tali jam laeti effecti, mox eorum vexilla in propugnasculi

gburgh,

e adunati venientes improperabant eis, vocantes eos canes caudatos, et prae p

, II,

cum jocunditate vinum bibentes, propter paucitatem partis advers

ati pro caud

nciendos.-Bower, II, 304-5. The Book of Pluscarden represents the Scots as saying

ower, l

santur, regnaru

e, fas fandi,

litical Son

ok of Scottish Poe

tergo caudam geri

e, cape caudam

manet Anglica

, vol. iii, p

e above,

us, ibi quicunque fugerat Anglicus est caudatus, plenus

e above,

re cupientes et sibi resistentes trucidare, eam in quatuor locis, quasi in quatuor angulis, incenderunt

embratim separati, nisi ille solus fugitivus Robertus le Bruys, qui in latibulis circumvagat, sicut latro vel vispilio. Rex vero de

rpetualiter sententiavit; et pravis propriam ignominiam, Sanctis vero perennem gloriam refudit" (Anglia Sacra, II, p. 67).-"Cumque (Augustinus) provinciam quae Dorsete appellatur, attigisset, et ubique ut Angelus Domini reciperetur, simulque auditorum fide quos pasceret pasceretur, incidit in quamdam villam, velut in tartaream Plutonis sedem. Ibi plebs impia, tenebris suis excaecata, et divinam lucem exosa, non solum audire nequibat vivifica documenta, verum tota ludibriorum et opprobriorum tempestate in Sanctos Dei debacchata, longe proturbat eos ab omni possessione sua; nec manu pepercisse creditur effraenis audacia. At Dei nuntius, juxta Domini

arum vestibus ejus affigerent, impellunt, propellunt, expellunt. Patienter ille et modeste gaudensque pro nomine Jhesu contum

Pontificum,

Augustins

i Deu lo

nt de ma

sermon n'

sains lor

Deu lor

de tries lo

raies qu'

ues l'on

ngement le

oia nost

ele gran

le grant

s'ire et d

orent v

pardura

cil qui l'

s keues l

o? et co

uis perdre

ont puis

nt de te

de tries

brance d

irent a

eues l'or

t, ll. 141

y, vol. i

s, Mr. Baring Gould states that, as a child, he firmly believed, on the authority of his nurse, that all Co

nes 29,5

ish Text Society

nes 15,1

Wright in his R

praedicante, concives civitatis accesserunt, et verba ejus mendacia reputantes, multa ei obprobria intulerunt. Post multorum vere obprobrior

Deus de obprobrio sib

omnes qui ex tunc in civitate R

rnum existent caudati.... Quod autem univoce homines non sunt, ex quo caudas habent manifestum est.... Cum

vidi, ma ta

, e per tutt

, come l'udi

ltre una iso

oda la gen

'ha un cervo

iv, ca

l'ancienne langue fran?aise, from Boccac

Austyn, Golden Legend

rnum, et innocenti patriae verterunt in opprobrium. Nam percussit eos in posteriora, opprobrium sempiternum dans illis, ita ut in partibus pudendis, tam in ipsis quàm eorum successoribus, similes caudae nascerentur. Vocatur autem hujusmodi cauda ab indigenis patria lingua Mughel; unde et villa, in qua beato Augustino hujusmodi irrogata est injuria, nomen sortita est Muglington, id est villa Muglingorum, usque in praesentem diem. Fertur etiam quòd, eorum exemplo, in provincia Merciorum, in villa quae Thamewyth dicitur, beato viro ab i

14; Gervase of Canterbury, i, 225; William of Cante

tum, tanquam in diminutione bestiae d

B. ii,

gent. Et advint que ledit Sainct Augustin alla pour prescher en ung territoire qu'on appelle Dorocestre, auquel lieu les gens d'icelluy territoire, par mocquerie et dérision luy attachérent à ses habillemens des raynes ou grenouilles. E

den's Boece,

ar's Poems

oci caudas Rariarum vestibus illius appendebant. Hinc ipsi et eorum p

n dem spotteten die baurn seiner reuterei und schnitten seinem esl den schwanz ab. Darumb beklagt sich der lib heilig, das noch auf den heutigen tag alle die knaben, die in dem dorf geboren werden, schwenzlein, das sie zegelein nennen, ob dem hindern an der wurzln an die welt bringen. Daraus ist das sprichwort entsprungen, das die Englosen hoch vertreust: Engelman, den sterz her! Und ich wolt den fraidigen ger

, ut Thomas é medio tolleretur, qui propterca velut hostis regis habitus, jam tum coepit sic vulgo negligi, contemni, ac odio haberi, ut cum venisset aliquando Strodum, qui vicus situs est ad ripam Medueiae fluminis, quod flumen Rocestriam alluit, eius loci incolae cupidi bonum patrem ita despectum ignominia aliqua afficiendi, non du

caudatos apud Strodum Angliae vicum, ad ripam fluvii Medueiae, qui Roffensem, sive Rocestrensem agrum alluit. Narrantque ejus vici incolas, jumento quod D. Thomas Canthuariensis episcopus insideret, per ludibrium caudam amputasse, ob

ae caudam obtrun

udas constat h

ndium, per Gulielmum Paradinu

. 1546,

Pp.

Ed.

] P.

] So

rch Histo

] P.

rary, vol.

k for a despised tribe of aborigines, outcasts, or heretics, living near or among a dominant population who look upon them as beasts, and furnish them with tails accordingly.... The outcast race of Cagots, about the Pyrenees, were said to be born with tails; and in Spain