cised a large influence on politics from the twelfth to the twentieth century-from the days of Glanville, the justiciar of Henry II, to the days of Mr. Asquith, the p

er than the English, occurs at a comparatively early date. By the end of the thirteenth century the legists of Philippe le Bel have created something of étatisme in their master's dominions. The king's court begins to rule the land; and proud of its young strength it enters the lists against Boniface VIII, the great prophet of the Church Universal, who proclaimed that every human creature was subject to the Roman pontiff. The collapse

f discovery had enlarged the world immeasurably. The addition of America to the map had spiritual effects which it is difficult to estimate in any proper terms. If the old world of the Mediterranean regions could be thought into a unity, it was more difficult to reduce to the One the new world which swam into men's ken. Still more burdened with fate for the future generations was the vast volume of commerce, necessarily conducted on a national basis, which the age of discoveries went to swell. Meanwhile, men had begun to think and to write in national languages. Already by the reign of Richard II the dialect of the East Midlands, which was spoken in the capital and the universities, had become a literary language in which Chaucer and Wyclif had spoken to all the nation. Still earlier had come the development of Ita

st that could never be recovered; and if new gold was added to the currency of the spirit, new alloys were wrought into its substance. It would be a hard thing to find an agreed standard of measurement, which should cast the balance of our gain and loss, or determine whether the new world was a better thing than the old. One will cry that the old world was the home of clericalism and obscurantism; and another will say in his bitterness that the new world is the abode of two other evil spirits-nationalism and commercialism. One thing is perhaps certain. We cannot, as far as human sight can discern, ever hope to reconstruct unity on the old basis of the Christian commonwealth of the Middle Ages. Yet need is upon us still-need urgent and importunate-to find some unity of the spirit in which we can all dwell together in peace. Some have hoped for unity in the sphere of economics, and have thought that international finance and commerce would build the foundations of an international polity. Their hopes have had to sleep, and a year of war has shown that 'a synchronized bank-rate and reacting bourses' imply no further unity. Some again may hope for unity in the field of science, and

FOR RE

sh Economic History, vol. i, pt. 2, c

Holy Roman Emp

diaeval Political Theory

urope (Home University Li

(11th edition), articles

in the Modern State,

Theories in the Middle A

Politics in the Mi

es, translated from Gierke's Das Deutsche Genossen

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s of Europe in the Middl

d State in the Middle

he Mediaeval M

lehren der christlichen

man Law in Mediaev

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upil, the Rev. Bede Jarrett, O.P., to whom I owe much, and to wh

Revue Historiq

gari Eloqui

Monarchi

eval Political Theory i

Bevan, Stoic

ren der christlich