aston

destitute of any marked features, is not uninteresting. Southwards, where it is low and flat, the ruins of Bromholm Priory attract attention. But, on the whole, it is an out-of-the-way district, unapproachable by sea, for the coast is dangerous, and offering few attractions to those who visit it by land. Inde

dge. He had a son, John, brought up to the law, who became executor to the old soldier and statesman, Sir John Fastolf. This John Paston had a considerable family, of whom the two eldest sons, strange to say, both bore the same Christian name as their father. They were also both of them soldiers, and each, in his time, attained the dignity of knighthood. But of them and their father, and their grandfather the judge, we shall have more to say presently. After them came Sir William Paston, a lawyer, one of whose daughters, Eleanor, married Thomas Manners, first Earl of Rutland. He had also two sons, of whom the first, Erasmus, died before him. Clement Paston. The second, whose name was Clement, was perhaps the most illustrious of the whole line. Born at Paston Hall, in the immediate neighbourhood of the sea, he had an early love for ships, was admitted when young into the naval service of Henry VIII., and became a great commander. In an engagement with the French he captured their admiral, the Baron de St. Blankhe

alsham School, and whose effigy in armour is visible in North Walsham Church, with a Latin epitaph recording acts of munificence on his part, not

arning, and a traveller who brought home a number of curiosities collected in foreign countries. Before he was raised to the peerage he sat in Parliament for Castle Rising. It was he who, in the year 1664, was bold enough to propose to the House of Commons the unprecedented grant of two and a half millions to the king for a war against the Dutch.27.2 This act not unnaturally

ne of King Charles's natural daughters. This great alliance, and all the magnificence 28 it involved, was too much for his slender fortunes. Earl William was led into a profuse expenditure which involved him in pecuniary difficulties. He soon deeply encumbered his inheritance; the library and the curiosities collected by his acc

. Thrifty ancestors. Of them, and of their more immediate ancestor Clement, we have a description drawn by an unfriendly hand some time after the judge's death; and as

l kin and ancestry of Paston, b

. went) at one plough both winter and summer, and he rode to mill on the bare horseback with his corn under him, and brought home meal again under him, and also drove his cart with divers corns to Wynterton to sell, as a good husband[man] ought to do. Also, he had in Pas

sister, which was a bondwoman, to whom it is not unknown (to the prio

ardoner and an attorney; and then was a good world, for he gathered many pence and

e was made a serjeant, and afterwards made a justice, and a right cunning man in the law. And he purchased much land in Paston, and also he purchased the moiety of the fifth part of the manor of Bakton, called either Latymer's, or Styward's, or Huntingfield, which moiet

mortgage to the said William one John Albon, the said prior's bondsman, dwelling in Paston, which was a stiff churl and a thrifty man, and would not obey him unto the said William; and for that cause, and for evil will that the said Willia

al signification of the word, 'housebondman'), that he married a bondwoman, and transmitted to his son and grandson lands held by a servile tenure; and the writer further contends that they had no manorial rights in Paston, although William Paston, the justice, had purchased land in the neighbourhood, and his son John was endeavouring to 'make himself a lordship' there to the prejudice of the rights of the Duchy of Lancaster. 30 It is altogether a singular statement, very

unes by marrying Agnes, daughter and heiress of Sir Edmund Berry of Harlingbury Hall, in Hertfordshire. Some years before his father's death, Richard Courtenay, Bishop of Norwich, appointed him his steward. In 1414 he was called in, along with two others, to mediate in a dispute which had for some time prevailed in the city of Norwich, as to the mode in which the mayors should be elected; and he had the good fortune with his coadjutors to adjust the matter satisfactorily.30.2 In 1421 he was made a serjeant, and in 1429 a judge of the Common Pleas.30.3 Before that time we find him acting as trustee for various properties, a

was, indeed, a confident surmise of mine at a time when the MS. was inaccessible; for it was clear that William Paston never could have been knighted. His name occurs over and over again on the patent rolls of Henry VI. He is named in at least one commission of the peace every year to his death, and in a good many other commissions besides, as justices invariably were. He is named also in many of the other papers of the same collection, simply as William Paston of Paston, Esqui

char

n, it was not likely that a man in the position of William Paston should escape imputations of partiality and one-sidedness. Before his elevation to the bench, he had already suffered for doing his duty to more than one client. Having defended the Prior of Norwich in an action brought against him by a certain Walter Aslak, touching the advowson of the church of Sprouston, the latter appears to have pursued him with unrelenting hatred. The county of Norfolk was at the time ringing with the news of an outrage committed by a band of unknown rioters at Wighton. On the last day of the year 1423, one John Grys of Wighton had been entertaining company, and was heated with 'wassail,' when he was suddenly attacked in his own hous

m, but even to continue his persecution. He found means to deprive Paston of the favour of the Duke of Norfolk, got bills introduced in Parliament to his prejudice, and made it unsafe for him to stir abroad. The whole country appears to have been disorganised by factio

to have been in the first place a monk of Bromholm, the prior of which monastery having brought an action against him as an apostate from his order, engaged William Paston as his counsel in the prosecution. Wortes, however, escaped abroad, and brought the matter before the spiritual jurisdiction of the court of Rome, bringing actions against both the prior and William Paston, the latter of whom he got condemned in a penalty of ￡205. On this William Paston wa

attempted to pursue her rights against him at a Parliament at Westminster, when he caused her to be imprisoned in the King's Bench. There, as she grievously complains, she lay a year, suffering much and 'nigh dead from cold, hunger, and thirst.' The case was apparently one of parliamentary privilege, which she had violated by her attempted action, though she adds that he threatened to keep her in prison for life if she would not release to him her right, and give him a

ersons to bring her to prison to your Bench, and bade at his peril certain persons to smite the brain out of her head for suing of her right; and there being in gr

f all this, not having Pa

re that John Paston, the son of the judge, was sumptuously buried in the reign of Edward IV. It was a monastery of some celebrity. Though not, at least in its latter days, one of the most wealthy religious houses, for it fell among the smaller monasteries at the first parliamentary suppression of Henry VIII., its ruins still attest that it was by no means insignificant. Situated by the sea-shore, with a flat, unbroken country round about, they are conspicuous from a distance both by sea and land. Among the numerous monasteries of Norfolk, none but Walsingham was more visited by strangers, a

at any time to make them popular in this country, and in the reign of Henry V. that connection was suddenly broken off. An act was passed suppressing at once all the alien priories, or religious houses that acknowledged foreign superiors. The priors of several of the Cluniac monasteries took out new foundation charters, and attached themselves to other orders

ased by Ju

and must have felt a pardonable pride in the improved position he thereby bequeathed to his descendants. At Paston he apparently contemplated building a manor house; for he made inquiry about getting stone from Yorkshire conveyed by sea to Mundesley, where there was then a small harbour36.1 within two miles of Paston village. To carry out the improvements Highways diverted. he proposed to make there and on other parts of his property, he obtained licence from the king a year before his death to divert two public highways, the one at Paston and the other at Oxnead, a little from their course.36.2 The alterations do not appear to have been of a

disputes with

ton pulled up the 'doles' which were set to mark the new highway, and various other disturbances were committed by the neighbours. It seems to have required all the energies not only of John Paston upon the spot, but also of his brother Edmund, who was in London at Clifford's Inn, to secure the rights of the family; insomuch that their mother, in writing to the latter of the opposition to which they had been exposed, expresses a fear lest she should make him weary of Paston.37.2 And, indeed, if

ne

rom the Pope a dispensation to renounce the Order on the plea that he had been forced into it against his will when he was under age, and being thus restored by the ecclesiastical power to the condition of a layman, he next appealed to the civil courts to get back his inheritance. This danger must have been seen by William Paston before his death, and a paper was drawn up (No. 46) to show that Hauteyn had been released from his vows on false pretences. Nevertheless he pursued his claim at law, and although he complained of the difficulty of getting counsel (owing, as he himself intimated, to the respect in which the bar h

, the manor of Gresham,39.1 of which we shall have something more to say a little later. We also find that in the fourth year of Henry VI. he obtained, in

ston's

iness view, indeed, might have been found better arguments to recommend it; but English men and women in those days did not read novels, and had no great notion of cultivating sentiment for its own sake. Agnes Paston writes to her husband to intimate 'the bringing home of the gentlewoman from Reedham,' according to the arrangement he had made about it. It was, in her words, 'the first acquaintance between John Paston and the said gentlewoman' (one would think Dame Agnes must have learned from her husband to express herself with some

er of h

mily; the subjects of the letters, too, are for the most part matters of pure business; yet the genuine womanly nature is seen bursting out whenever there is occasion to call it forth. Very early in the correspondence we meet with a letter of hers (No. 47) which in itself is pretty sufficient evidence that women, at least, were human in the fifteenth century. Her husband was at the time in London just beginning to recover from an illness which seems to have been occasioned by some injury he had met with. His mother had vowed to give an image of wax the weight of himself to Our Lady of Walsingham on his recovery, and Margaret to go on a pilgrimage thither, and also to St. Leonard's at Norwich. That she did

id-was simply the desire to give her husband satisfaction. And her will to do him service was, in general, only equalled by her ability. During term time, when John Paston was in London, she was his agent at home. It was she who negotiated with farmers, receiving overtures for leases and threats of lawsuits, and reported to her husband everything that mig

or of G

This moiety came to Thomas Chaucer by his marriage with Maud Burghersh, the daughter of the Maud just mentioned. The other became at first the property of Sir William Molynes, who married Bacon's second daughter Margery. But this Margery having survived her husband, made a settlement of it by will, according to which the reversion of it after the decease of one Philip Vache and 42 of Elizabeth his wife, was to be sold; and William, son of Robert Molynes, was to have the first optio

r-apparent to another barony; and, with the prospect of a great inheritance both from his father and from his mother, who was the daughter and sole heir of William Lord Botraux, he certainly had little occasion to covet lands that were not his own. Nevertheless he listened to the counsels of John Heydon of Baconsthorpe, a lawyer who had been sheriff and also recorder of Norwich, and whom the gentry of Norfolk looked upon with anything but goodwill, regarding him as the r

llowing, he succeeded in doing to Lord Molynes to some extent what Lord Molynes had already done to him. He took possession of 'a mansion within the said town,' and occupied it himself, having doubtless a sufficiency of servants to guard against any sudden surprise. After this fashion he maintained his rights for a period of over three months. The usual residence of Lord Molynes was in Wiltshire, and his agents probably did not like the responsibility of attempting to remove John Paston without express orders from their master. But on the 28th of January 1450, while John Paston was away in London on business, there came before the mansion at Gresham a company of a thousand persons, sent to recover possession for Lord Molynes. They were armed with cuirasses and brigandines, with guns, bows, and arrows, and with every kind of offensive and defensive armour. They had also mining instruments, long poles

e the troubles of 1450. Troubled times, A.D. 1450. The rebellion of Jack Cade, and the murder of two bishops in different parts of the country, were facts which no historian could treat as wholly insignificant. Many writers have even repeated the old slander, which there seems no good reason to believe, that Jack Cade's insurrection was promoted by the intrigues of the

History of Norfo

ndon's Lif

kingdom, often place their children in those Inns of Court; not so much to make the law their study, much less to live by the profession (having large p

eld's Norfol

dale's O

omefiel

ii. 257, 28

id. vii

omefiel

ee Let

mefield,

bid. x

Ibid.

bid. v

No.

Grys's Christian name is given as William, and the outrage is sai

the Episcopal Succession, vol. ii. p. 79, gives the

canti per mortem Milis (Milonis), de persona Ven. Fratris Johannis Pasten

Dei gratia electus Korkagen, solvit person

Appendix to th

No.

e No. 4

1 N

July, 21 Henry V

ged with Inquisitions post-m

Lette

. 194, 1

7, 93, 128; Blo

ow of the north aisle of the parish church, in which were portraits of himself and his wife underwritten with the words, Or

efield, v

um:-'￡432 for arrears of salary due to late William Paston, paid to his executor, John Paston, from parva custuma of the port of London. L.T.R. Enrolled Customs Account of

No.

Blomefield inaccurately makes Maud, whom Sir John Burghersh married, the daug

ve not had access. He says that Margery, widow of Sir William Molynes, settled her portion of the manor

y in June 1459. If we are to understand that he was then only in his thirty-first year, he could not have been twe

No.

No.

bly equal to about

os. 10

Pasten ... Ordi

Fratis ... C

uisitions post-mor

ter "III

ke of

he Duke o

licy was a failure, he himself seems to have been aware from the first that it was not likely to be popular. Two great difficulties he had to contend with, each sufficient to give serious anxiety to any minister whatever: the first being the utter weakness of the king's character; the second, the practical impossibility of maintaining the English conquests in France. To secure both himself and the nation against the uncertainties which might arise from the vacill

ng's m

if he could have been secured in the possession of those lands only, such as Guienne and Normandy, which he held irrespective of that title.45.1 He was willing to relinquish even the duchies of 46 Anjou and Maine, King René's patrimony, though the latter had long been in the possession of the English. It was of course out of the question that Henry should continue to keep the father of his bride by force out of his own lands. Suffolk therefore promised to give them up to the French king, for the use of René and his brother, Charles of Anjou; so that instead of the former giving his daughter a dower, England was called upon to part with some of her conquests. But how wo

nks of Parliament, and there was not a man in all the kingdom,-at least in all the legislature-durst wag his tongue in censure. The Duke of Gloucester, his chief rival and opponent in the senate, was the first to rise from his seat and recommend

each other, two years after the king's marriage, leaving Suffolk the only minister of mark. But his position was not improved by this undisputed ascendency. A.D. 1447. The death of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, aroused suspicions in the public mind that were perhaps due merely to time and circumstance. Duke Humphrey, with many defects in his character, had always been a popular favourite, and just before his death he had been arrested on a charge of trea

re the Council. On the 25th of May 1447 his wish was granted, and in the presence of a full Council, including the Duke of York, and others who might have been expected to be no very favourable 48 critics, he gave a detailed account of all that he had done. How far he mad

ons, and the ambassadors appointed on either side had been unable to do more than prolong from time to time the existing truce, leaving the matter in dispute to be adjusted at a personal interview between the two kings, for which express provision was made at the time of each new arrangement. But the personal interview never took place. In August 1445 it was arranged for the following summer. In January 1446 it was fixed to be before November. In February 1447 it was again to be in the summer following. In July it was settled to be before May 1448; but in October the time was again lengthened further.48.3 There can be little doubt that these perpetual delays were due merely to hesitation on the part of England to carry out a policy to which she was already pledged. Charles, of course, could not allow them to go on for ever. I

urgently to Pierre de Brézé, seneschal of Poitou, who had been the chief negotiator of the existing truce, deprecating the use of force against a town which it was the full intention of his Government to yield up honourably.49.2 Such protests, however, availed nothing in the face of the obvious fact that the surrender had not taken place at the time agreed on. The French continued to muster forces. In great haste an embassy was despatched from England, consisting of Adam de Moleyns, Bishop of Chichester, and Sir Thomas Roos; but the conduct of the garrison itself rendered further negotiation nugatory. By no means could they be induced, even in obedience to 50 th

Its surrender. Standing on the outer bridge, they made a public protest before their soldiers, and caused a notary to witness it by a formal document, that what they did was only in obedience to their own king's commands, and that the king himself, in giving up possession of the county of Maine, by no means parted with his sov

he Cardinal of Winchester, had the ambition of an Englishman to show his talent for governing. His influence with the king and Suffolk obtained for him the government of Normandy; and that he might exercise it undisturbed, York was recalled from France. The change was ill advised; for the times demanded the best of generalship, and the utmost political discretion. Somerset, though not without experience in war, had given no evidence of the possession of such qualities; and they had been notoriously wanting in his brother John, who was Duke of Somerset before him, when his ambition, too, had been gratified by a command in Fra

ed. He 52 was not, however, permitted to go abroad without warning of the dangers against which he had to provide. The veteran Sir John Fastolf drew up a paper for his guidance, pointing out that it was now peculiarly important to strengthen the fortifications on the new frontier, to protect the seaports, to preserve free communication with England, and (what was quite as politic a suggestion as any) to appoint a wise chancellor and a council for the impartial administration of justice, so as to protect the inhabitants from oppression.52.1 From the comment made upon thes

n, two towns situated near the confines of Britanny which had been laid waste during the previous wars and had since been abandoned. They began to victual and fortify themselves in these positions, to the alarm of their neighbours, until the Duke of Britanny felt it necessary to complain to the Duke of Somerset, requesting that they

. 1

wealthy merchants, for it was the centre of a considerable woollen manufacture, and the booty found in it was estimated at no less than two millions of gold.53.2 Such a prize in legitimate warfare would undoubtedly have been well worth the taking; but under the actual circumstances the deed was a glaring, perfidious violation of the truce. Somerset had been only a few days before protesting to the King of France that, even if all his towns were open and undefended, they would be perfec

e was further given to understand that he incurred no danger or responsibility; for even if he were besieged by the Duke of Britanny, ample succours would be despatched to relieve him. Unfortunately, during the next few months, the English had too much to do to keep their word, and L'Arragonois was compelled to surrender 54 the pl

of Britanny was not a cause of much apprehension. The effect of the outrage upon the French people was a much more serious matter, and this was felt immediately. The King of France, when he heard the news, was at Montils by Tours on the point of starting for Bourges. He immediately changed his purpose and turned back to Chinon that he might be nearer Britanny. A secret treaty was made between the king and the duke to aid each other on the recommencement of hostilities with the English. Pont-de-l'Arche taken by the French. A plot was also laid to surprise the town of Pont-de-l'Arche on the Seine, just as Fougères had been surprise

, and the French followed up their advantage by taking Gerberoy and Conches. In the south they also won from the English two places in the neighbourhood of Bordeaux.55.1 Still, Charles had not yet declared war, and these things were avowedly no more than the acts of desultory marauders. His ambassadors still demanded the restitution of Fougères, which possibly the English might now have been willing to accord if they could have

he said, were daily reinforcing their garrisons upon the frontier, and committing outrages against the truce. General musters were proclaimed throughout the kingdom, and every thirty men of the whole population were required to find a horseman fully equipped for war. Meanwhile, the English garrisons in Normandy were too feeble to resist attack. No

s of th

antes, Vernon, and other places were recovered from the English. Then followed in quick succession the capture of Essay, Fécamp, Harcourt, Chambrois, Roche-Guyon, and Coutances. In October, Rouen, the capital of the province, was invested. On the 19th the inhabitants with one accord rose in arms against the English, who found it necessary to retreat into the castle. In this stronghold Somerset himself was assailed by the King of France, and, after a vain at

. Even King René, Henry's father-in-law, assisted Charles at the siege of Rouen, and shared the honours of his triumphal entry. At the end of the year 1449 the English held nothing in Normandy except a few towns upon the sea-coast o

when, in fact, it was too late.57.1 By the time it had assembled Rouen was already lost. Unpopularity of Suffolk. The secret odium with which the policy of Suffolk had been viewed for years past could now no longer be restrained. It was difficult to persuade the many that the disgrace which had befallen the English arms was not due to treachery as much as to incompetence. The cession of Maine and Anjou was more loudly blamed than eve

.D.

sailors. He was a scholar as well as a statesman, and corresponded occasionally with the celebrated ?neas Sylvius, afterwards Pope Pius II.58.1 But, like Suffolk, he was believed to make his own advantage out of public affairs. He had the reputation of being very covetous; the king's treasury was ill supplied with money, and he endeavoured to force the men to be satisfied with less than their due. On th

the minister must be the scapegoat. The party, therefore, which would insist on any inquiry into the conduct of a minister, knew well that they must succeed in getting him condemned, or be branded as traitors 59 themselves. Such proceedings accordingly began inevitably with intrigue. Lord Cromwell was Suffolk's enemy at the council-table, and used his influence secretly with members of the House of Commons, to get them to bring forward an impeachment in that chamber. That he was a dangerous opponent Suffolk himself was very well aware. A little before Christmas, William Tailboys, one of the duke's principal supporters, had set a number of armed men in wait for him at the door of the Star Cha

ng words of Bishop Moleyns. He begged the king to remember how his father had died in the service of King Henry V. at Harfleur-how his elder brother had been with that king at Agincourt-how two other brothers had fallen in the king's own days at Jargeau, when he himself was taken prisoner and had to pay ￡20,000 for his ransom-how his 60 fourth brother had been a hostage for him in the enemies' hands and died there. He also re

llowing day, and the opinion of the judges being taken as to the legality of the proposed arrest, he was allowed to remain at liberty until a definite charge should be brought against him. Such a charge was accordingly declared two days later by the Speaker, who did not hesitate t

k impe

n bribed to deliver Anjou and Maine, and that as long ago as the year 1440 he was influenced by corrupt motives to promote the liberation of the Duke of Orleans; that he had disclosed the secrets of the English council-chamber to the French king's ambassadors; that he had even given information by which France had 61 profited in the war, and that he had rendered peace negotiations nugatory by letting the French know beforehand the instructions given to the English envoys. Further, in the midst of invasion and national

t was so impoverished that the wages of the household were unpaid, and the royal manors left to fall into decay. He had granted the earldom of Kendal, with large possessions both in England and in Guienne, to a Gascon, who ultimately sided with the French, but had happened to marry his niece. He had weakened the king's power in Guienne, alienated the Count of Armagnac, and caused a band of English to attack the king's Germa

r. His defence. On the 13th he was sent for to make his answer before the king and lords. Kneeling before the throne, he replied to each of the eight articles in the first bill separately. He denied their truth entirely, and offered to prove them false in whatever manner the king would direct. He declared it absurd to consider Margaret Be

own palace, where they met in an inner chamber. When they were assembled, Suffolk was sent for, and kneeling down, was addressed briefly by the Lord Chancellor. He was reminded that he had made answer to the first bill of the Commons without claiming the right of being tried by the peers; and he was asked if he had anyt

that as to the very serious charges contained in the first bill, the king regarded Suffolk as not having been proved either guilty or innocent; but touching those contained in the second bill, which amounted only to misprisions, as Suffolk did not put himself upon his peerage, but submitted entirely to the

llies, made a protest on behalf of the Lords, that what the king had just done, he had done by his own authority, without their advice and counsel. He accordingly besought the king that their protest might be recorded in the rolls of Parliament, for their protection, so that the case might not henceforth be made a precedent in derogation of the privileges of the peera

.1 The duke had more than a month to prepare for leaving England, and seems to have spent the time in the county of Suffolk. He embarks for Flanders. On Thursday the 30th of April he embarked at Ipswich for Flanders; but before going he assembled the gentlemen of the county, and, taking the sacrament, swore he was innocent of the sale of Normandy and of the other treasons imputed to him.64.2 He also wrote an interesting letter of general admonitions for the use of h

wer in person, and said that he was going by the king's command to Calais; on which they told him he must speak with their master. They accordingly conveyed him and two or three others in their boat to the Nicholas. When he came on board the master saluted him with the words, 'Welcome, traitor!' and sent to know if the shipmen meant to take part with the duke, which they at once disowned all intention of doing. The duke was then informed that he must die, but was allowed the whole of the next day and night to confess himself and prepare for the event.64.3 On Monday 65 the 2nd of May the rovers consumm

ke this are so rare in letters of an early date that we are in danger of attributing to the men of those days a coldness and brutality which were by no means so universal as we are apt to suppose. The truth is that when men related facts they regarded their own feelings as an impertinence having nothing whatever to do with the matter in hand.65.2 The art of le

ion.66.1 Mocking dirges were composed and spread abroad, in which his partisans were represented as chanting his funeral service, and a blessing was invoked on the heads of his murderers. These were but the last of a host of satires in which the public indignation had for months past found a vent.66.2 Suffolk had been represented on his imprisonment as a fox driven into his hole, who must on no account be let out again. He had be

er of Rouen and before Suffolk's fall. It is far less personal than the others, being not so much an invective against Suffolk as a wail over the loss of England's great men, and

egent B

y, Duke o

s dead, the

st Duke

ssetc hath lo

gland may ma

e help of G

en Ca

is won where

uke of

cullise is

rdinal B

have our

us from many

who had gone on pilgrimage

iong is lai

uke of

e envy of t

den that our d

albot, ou

en prisoner by the French at

has lost his

gain when

, Lord W

sailk will

o long go

arl of

bound that

lost his R

ke of Bu

nathem is

ounsel th

He and the two ne

s both fair

hn N

o runneth n

n Tre

Choughp oft

he

our Eagl

of Ar

artr is put

ill not to t

mmons saith, is b

ussex and

d Bou

uges and the

of St.

erlock'st cha

uke of

Earu will

he may endu

rl of De

is far int

help with shi

had been sent into Irela

fleeth and

where to big

he loss of Rouen. It disembarked at Cherbourg, and proceeding towards Caen, where the duke had now taken up his position, besieged and took Valognes. They were now in full communication with the garrisons of Caen and Bayeux, when they were suddenly attacked at the village of Fourmigni, and routed with great slaughter. Between three and

s a very true reason. It is possible, however, that the political atmosphere of London was quite as oppressive to the Court as the physical atmosphere could be to the Parliament. During their sitting at Leicester a much needed subsidy was voted to the king,

ars of the English

ymer,

ncle the French king was mentioned. 'And on his left hand were my Lord of Gloucester, at whom he looked at the time, and then he turned round to the right to the chancellor, and the Earl of Suffolk, and the Cardinal of York, who were there, smiling to them, and it was very obvious that he made

eath of Duke Humphrey, from original sources, wil

ymer,

rs of the English in Fr

. 97, 108, 151

on's Wars, i

er of the 18th Feb. 1448, of which an abstract

de Coussy (in Buchon

99, 204. Stevenso

ire de Charles VI

is Continuatio in Fulm

asin,

son's Wars,

n's Wars, i.

n's Reductio

Ibid.

Ibid.

n's Wars, i.

ctio Norm

Ibid.

ugas inter ipsum et Regem Scoti? prius suis sigillis fidelitatis confirmatas; sed posterius hujus trugarum interruptio vertebatur Anglicis multo magis in dispendium quam honorem, quia recedente Rege Scoti magnam partem Northumbri? bina vice absque repulsu des

ctio Norm

s of Parl

djourn to the City of London on account of the unhealthiness of the air. We must remember that Westminster was then litt

Sylvii Epp

ylvius, the mode of death inflicted o

s of Parl

. Bartholomew's Day, 1451, William Tailboys and nineteen other persons belonging to South Kyme, in Linco

s of Parl

death, his son was born on the 27th September 1442, and was therefore at this tim

of Parl.

s of Parl

2 I

s of Parl

2 I

ymer,

Worc.

hronicle, ed.

Letters, N

e to you, and am right sorry of that I shall say, and have so wesshe this little bill with sorrowful tears that uneathes ye shall read it.' The words in italics would probably be found to be an interlineatio

f Croyland Chr

ical Poems (in Roll

bid. 2

on of the English from Normandy, 336. Wars of

on of J

ed to call in men of greater weight, they were not then at hand. The Duke of Somerset was in France, and the Duke of York in Ireland; so that some time must have elapsed before either of them could have taken part in public affairs at home. Meanwhile it was said that the resentment of the Court for Suffolk's 69 murder would be visited upon the county of Kent; and the county of Kent was of opinion that it suffered abuses enough already. The exactions of the king's officers, both in the way of taxation and purveyan

s Reb

es some experience in war, was evidently possessed of no small talent for generalship. It afterwards turned out that his real name was Cade, that he was a native of Ireland, and that he had been living a year before in the household of Sir Thomas Dacre in Sussex, when he was obliged to abjure the kingdom for killing a woman who was with child. He then betook himself to France and served in the French war against England. What induced him t

the king and his host occupied their position on Blackheath. The royal forces, however, proceeded no further. Only a detachment, under Sir Humphrey Stafford and his brother William, was sent to pursue the insurgents. An encounter took place at Sevenoaks on the 18th,70.3 in which both the Staffords were killed. Their defeat spread dismay and disaffection in the royal camp. The noblemen who had accompanied the king to Blackheath could no longer keep their men together, the latter protesting that unless justice were done on certain traitors who had misled the king, they would go over to the Captain of Kent. To sa

lamations in the king's name against robbery and forced requisitions, but he rode through the different streets as if to place the capital under military government; and when he came to London Stone, he struck it with his sword, saying, 'Now is Mortimer lord of this city.' Finally, he gave instructions to the Lord Mayor about the order to be kept within his jurisdiction, and returned for the night to his quarters in Southwark. On the following morning, Friday the 3rd, he again entered the city, when he caused Lord Say to be sent for from the Tower. That no resistance was made to this demand by Lord Scales, who had the keeping of the fortress, may seem strange. But there was a reason for it which most of the chroniclers do not tell us. The king had 72 been obliged to listen to the grievances of his 'Commons' and to withdraw his protection from his favourites. He had granted a commission 'to certain lords and to the mayor and divers justices, to inquire of all persons that were trait

erefore unpopular in the city. Next day he dined at a house in the parish of St. Margaret Pattens, and then robbed his host. At each of these acts of robbery the rabble were sharers of the spoil. But, of course, such proceedings completely ali

e city. Battle on London Bridge. The Captain called his men to arms, and attacked the citizens with such impetuosity, that he drove them back from the Southwark end of the bridge to the drawbridge in the centre. This the insurgents set on fire, after inflicting great losses on the citizens, many of whom were slain or drowned in defending it.

the Chancellor, the 74 first for the Captain himself, and the second for his followers. The offer was embraced with eagerness. The men were by this time disgusted with their leader, and alarmed at the result of their own acts. By thousands they accepted the amnesty and began to return homewards. But Cade, who knew that his pardon would avail him little when the history of his past life came to be investigated, wisely made friends to himself after the fashion of the Unjust Steward. He broke open the gaols of the King's Bench and Marshalsea, and formed a new company out of the liberated prisoners.74.1 He then despatched to Rochester a barge laden with the goods he had taken from Malpas and others in London, and prepared to go thit

the murdered Crowmer. Capture and death of Cade. Iden overtook him in a garden at Heathfield, and made him prisoner, not without a scuffle, in which Cade was mortally wounded, so that on being conveyed to London he died on the way. It only remained 75 to use his carcass as a terror to evil-doers. His

raised disturbances in the preceding February, were at that moment undergoing public exhibition in London, Norwich, and the Cinque Ports. Those of two others were about this time despatched by the sheriffs of London to Chichester, Roch

distur

'Captain of Kent' that made his appearance this year; for the very same title was immediately afterwards assumed by one John Smyth, for whose capture a reward of ￡40 was ordered to be paid to the Duke of Somerset on the 3rd of October.75.4 And the chroniclers, though they do not mention these disturbances, tell us that such things were general over 76 all the kingdom. In Wiltshire, at the time that Cade was at Blackheath, William Ayscough, Bishop of Salisbury, had one day sa

ohn F

itiveness of a naturally irascible character. In one engagement with the French76.2 he was actually accused of cowardice, a charge which he seems afterwards satisfactorily to have disproved. For some years, however, he had given up soldiering and returned to his native country, where he served the king in a different manner as a member of his Privy Council. But in this capacity too he was unpopular. His advice should have been valuable at least in reference to the affai

t before the Captain. Cade then asked him what he had come for, and why he had caused his fellow to run away with the horses. He answered that he had come to join some brothers of his wife, and other companions who were among the insurgents. On this some one called out to the Captain that he was a man of Sir John Fastolf's, and that the two horses were Sir John's. The Captain raised a cry of 'Treason!' and sent him through the camp with a herald of the Duke of Exeter before him, in the duke's coat-of-arms. At four quarters of

ccordingly carried to Fastolf a statement of their demands, advising him at the same time to put away his old soldiers and withdraw himself into the Tower. The old warrior felt that the advice was prudent; he left but two of his servants in the place, and 78 but for Payn the insurgents would have burned it to the ground. The faithful dependant, however, had to pay the full penalty of his master's unpopularity. He seems to have entertained the rioters

hreatened to be hanged, drawn, and quartered, in order that he might accuse his master Fastolf of treason; but in the end his friends succeeded in procuring for him a charter of pardon. To earn this, however, as we find from the document i

surer, and Lord Cromwell the king's chamberlain. Lord Beauchamp's app

and proved from them that the insurrection was by no means of a very plebeian or disorderly character. 'In several hundreds,' he says, 'the constables duly, and as if legally, summoned th

troduction. For a rectification of the chronology of the rebellion I

his retreat would appear to have been on the

e of Sir Humphrey Stafford's death in

nicles (edited by me for the Camden Soc.),

inshed,

re, too, the chronology seems to require rectification, especially from sou

. xvi. fol. 107, quo

Canterbury by Fabyan and others. He was

Reformation, when it was stopped up as being considered a place of superstitious resort. A century afte

rdinal, but says that the Bishop of Winchester and others of the king's council spoke with the Captain of Kent. But the 'Short English Chronicle' in the Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, edited by me for the Camden Soci

ll's Ch

inder, 29 Hen. VI. R

Rolls, 471. Davies'

teenth Century

lish Chronicle (Camden Soc.), 67.

ib. MS. Vi

2. It would seem as if the entry there dated 5th August ought to have been 5th Sept

eedings of the Priv

See N

Battle

pendix to I

attle on Lo

. mi

of York an

uke o

of his name in the mouths of the disaffected was anything but grateful to the party then in power. It was construed as being in itself an evidence of his disloyalty. But the popular complaints as to his treatment were both just and reasonable, for it was a matter that concerned the public weal. The rank, wealth, and lineage of the Duke of York, his connection with the blood-royal, his large possessions, and finally his well-proved ability both as a general and an administrator-all marked him out as one who ought to have been invited to take a l

er from

. For this, however, he could not have been unprepared. He knew well the hatred entertained towards him at the Court, for he had experienced pretty much the same thing years before in going to Ireland, as now in coming from it. Although he was sent to that country in the king's service, and as the king's lieutenant, there were persons commissioned to apprehend him at several points in his journey thither; and now 80 on his return similar efforts were made to prevent his advance to London. As regards himself they

ach was not unaccompanied by violence. He and his followers, it is said, came in warlike array to Westminster Palace, and 'beat down the spears and walls' in the king's chamber. If so, we should infer tha

that he presented a petition and received a reply

York: his letter

ach and charge of my person; howbeit that I have been, and ever will be, your true liegeman and servant, and if there be any man that will or dare say the contrary or charge me 81 otherwise, I beseech your rightwiseness to call him before your high presence, and I will declare me for my disc

t the castle of Holt, Sir Thomas Stanley, knight, in Cheshire, Pulford at Chester, Elton at Worcester, Brooke at Gloucester, and Richard, groom of your chamber, at Beaumaris; which had in charge, as I am informed, to take me, and put me into your cast

I should not land there, nor have victuals nor refreshing for me and my fellowship, as I have written to your Excellency here before; so far forth, that Henry Norris, deputy to the chamberlain of North Wales, said unto me that he had in commandment that I should in no wise have landing, refreshing, nor lodging, for men nor horse, nor other

sat in certain places, and the juries impanelled and charged. Unto the which juries certain persons laboured instantly to have me indicted of treason, to the intent for to have undone me and mine issue, and corrupted my blood, as it is openly publi

King Henry to

estate, making menace to our own person by your sayings, that ye should be fetched with many thousands, and ye should take upon you that which ye neither ought, nor, as we doubt not, ye will not attempt; so far forth that it was said to our person by divers, and especially, we remember, of one Wasnes which had like words unto us. And also there were divers of such false people that went on and had like language in divers of our towns of our land, which by our subjects were taken and duly executed. Wherefore we sent to divers of our courts and places to hearken and to take heed if any such manner coming were, and if there had been, for to resist it; but coming into our land our true subject as ye did, our intent w

h eagerness for news of a long looked-for crisis, while, as it seemed, the old régime was being quietly laid aside at Westminster. A change of government. 'Sir, and it please,' writes one newsmonger, William Wayte, the clerk of Justice Yelverton, 'Sir, and it please, I was in my lord of York's house, and I heard much thing more than my master writeth unto you of. I heard much thing in Fleet Street. But, sir, my lord was with the king, and he visaged so

, and we may presume that he was not invited to Court. By the Duke of York's letter just quoted, it would seem that courtiers had planned to have him beheaded. But now the old exclusiveness was defeated. Men whose patriotism and generalship, it was believed, would have averted the loss of France, were at length allowed free access to their sovereign; while 84 men who were believed to have culpably misdirected

King Henry to

m more ample authority and power than ever we did before this, in the which we have appointed you to be one. But sith it is not accustomed, sure, nor expedient, to take a conclusion and conduct by advice or counsel of one person by himself, for the conservation (?) it is observed that the greatest and the best, the rich and the poor, in liberty, virtue and effect of their84.1 voices be equal; we

cs in

y of Tuddenham and Heydon in the name of the whole city. 'And let that be done,' adds William Wayte, 85 'in the most lamentable wise; for, Sir, but if (i.e. unless) my Lord hear some foul tales of them, and some hideous noise and cry, by my faith they are else like to come to grace.' Owing to the influence of the Duke of York, a new Parliament was summoned to meet in November, and John Paston was urged by some friends to get himself returned as a member. But it was s

was not yet an easy one. Great pressure had been put upon the king, even at the last moment, that Yelverton should be countermanded, and Lord Molynes had spoken of his own dispute with Paston in the king's presence in a manner that made the friends of the latter wish he had been then at Westminster to see after his own interests. The Lords of the Council, however, determined that Yelverton should keep 86 his day for going into Norfolk. When he arrived there, he had occasion to report that there were many persons ill-disposed

uthority than he was distinctly warranted in doing. He could not but remember that his father had suffered death for conspiring to depose Henry V., and that his own high birth and descent from Edward III. caused his acts to be all the more jealously watched by those who sought to estrange him from his sovereign. He therefore made it by no means his aim to establish for himself a marked ascendency. He rather sought to show his moderation. I find, indeed, that at this particular period he not only removed two members of the Council, Lor

, and that he was particularly acceptable to Queen Margaret. He was, nevertheless, one of the most unpopular men in England, on account of his surrender of Caen and total loss of Normandy in the preceding year; and as the Parliament was now called, among other reasons, expressly to provide for the defence of the kingdom, and for speedy succours being sent to preserve the king's other dominions in France,87.3 it was impossible that his conduct should not be inquired into. The short sitting of Parliament before Christmas was greatly occupied by controversy between York and Somerset.87.4 On the 1st of December the latter was placed under arrest. His lodgings at the Black Friars were broken

be committed to the Tower. The speech of the Lord Chancellor on the meeting of Parliament had declared that it was summoned for three important causes: first, to provide for the defence of the kingdom, and especially the safeguard of the sea; secondly, for the speedy relief of the king's subjects in the south of France, and aid against the French; thirdly, for pacifying the king's subjects at home, and punishing the disturbances which had lately been so frequent. But practically nothing was done about any of these matters before Christmas. An act was passed for the more speedy levying of a subsidy gr

.D.

men wrote in a manner that was anything but encouraging. The government was getting paralysed alike by debt and by indecision. 'As for tidings here,' writes John Bocking, 'I certify you all is nought, or will be nought. The king borroweth his expenses for Christmas. The King of Arragon, the Duke of Milan, the Duke of Austria, the Duke of Burgundy, would be assistant to us to make a conquest, and nothing is answered nor agreed in manner save abiding the great deliberation that at the last shall spill all together.' Chief-Justice Fortescue had been for a week expecting every night to be

am and

d in Kent by way of revenge. John Damme had before this caused Heydon to be indicted of treason for taking down one of those hideous memorials of a savage justice-the quarter of a man exposed in public. The man was doubtless a political victim belonging to Heydon's own party; but Heydon was now looking to recover his influence, and he contrived to get the charge of treason retorted against Damme. Symptoms were observed in Norwich that the unpopular party

he part of the city of Norwich, and also by the town of Swaffham, by Sir John Fastolf, Sir Harry Inglos, John Paston, and many others; but, as Fastolf's chaplain afterwards informed his master, 'the judges, by their wilfulness, might not find in their heart to give not so much as a beck nor a twinkling of their eye toward, but took it to derision, God reform such partiality!' The one-sidedness of 91 Prisot, indeed, was such as to bring down upon him a rebuke from his colleague Yelverton. 'Ah, Sir Mayor and your brethren,' said the former, 'as

mpanied the accused, and not one of the numerous complainants ventured to open his mouth except John Paston. Even he had received a friendly message only two days before that he had better consider well whether it was advisable to come himself, as there was 'great press of peo

on and Lo

in the possession of that manor;91.3 but he had the boldness to conceive that undermining his wife's chamber, turning her forcibly out of doors, and then pillaging the 92 whole mansion, were acts for which he might fairly expect redress against both Lord Molynes and his agents. He had accordingly procured two indictments to be framed, the first against his lordship, and the second against his men

on that he would be glad to have it. Osbern, however, appealed also to other arguments. 'I remembered him,' he tells Paston, 'of his promises made before to you at London, when he took his oath and charge, and that ye were with him when he took his oath and other divers times; and for those promises made by him to you at that time, and other times at the Oyer and Terminer at Lynn, ye proposed you by the trust that ye have in him to attempt and rear actions that should be to the avail of him and of his office.' The prospect of Paston being valuable to hi

n then offered if he would promise to be sincere towards Paston, that the latter would give him a sum in hand, as much as he could desire, or would place it in the hands of a middle man whom Jermyn could trust. In the end, however, he was obliged to be satisfied with Jermyn's assur

lia

esumption was the only expedient by which it seemed possible to meet the difficulty; and all grants of crown lands made to any persons since the first day of the reign were accordingly recalled by statute.93.3 In return for this the Commons preferred a petition to the king that he would for ever remove from his presence and counsels a number 94 of persons to whom they alleged it was owing both that his possessions had been diminished, and that the laws had not been carried into execution. Foremost on the list was the Duke of Somerset; and with him were named Alice, widow of the late Duke of Suffolk, William Booth, Bishop of Chester (that is to say, of Coventry and Lichfield),94.1 Lord Dudley, Thomas Daniel, and twenty-five others. It was petitione

to the Court, was expecting to recover favour by means of Somerset.94.3 He is represented as having cultivated the Duke's friendship for a quarter of a year; so that we may conclude Somerset's ascendency was at this time unmistakable. With what degree of discretion he made use of it there is little evidence to show. One advantage that Daniel hoped to gain through his influence was t

Burgundy, whose interests would hardly have been promoted by the French king strengthening himself in that quarter, and he declined to attempt it.95.1 Relieved, however, of the necessity of maintaining a large force in Normandy, he found new occupation for his troops in completing the conquest of Guienne, of which a beginning had already been made by the capture of Cognac and of some places near Bayonne and the Pyrenees. In November 1450 the French laid siege to Bourg and Blaye on the Garonne, both of which places capitulated in the spring of the following year. They wer

et. The jealousy with which the latter regarded his rival was heightened by the consciousness of his own unpopularity. The Duke of York was living in seclusion at his castle of Ludlow, but Somerset seems to have regarded him with daily increasing appr

. 1

my said sovereign lord is to me so grievous, I have prayed the reverend father in God, the Bishop of Hereford,96.1 and my cousin the Earl of Shrewsbury, to come hither and hear my declaration in this matter; wherein I have said to them that I am true liegeman to the King my sovereign lord, ever have been, and shall be to my dying day. And to the very proof that it is so, I offer myself to swear that on the blessed Sacrament, and receive it, the which I hope shall be my salvation at the day of doom. And so for my spe

dministration of 97 affairs should still be intrusted to hands so notoriously incompetent as those of Somerset; and York, as being the only man who could stir in such a matter with effect, now made up his mind to take ac

ction, which God defend. And on the other part it is to be supposed it is not unknown to you how that, after my coming out of Ireland I, as the King's true liegeman and servant (and ever shall be to my life's end) and for my true acquittal, perceiving the inconvenience before rehearsed, advised his Royal Majesty of certain articles concerning the weal and safeguard, as well of his most royal person, as the tranquillity and conservation of all this his realm: the which advertisements, howbeit that it was thought that they were full necessary, were laid apart, and to be of none effect, through the envy, malice, and untruth of the said Duke of Somerset; which for my truth, faith, and allegiance that I owe unto the King, and the good will and favour that I have to all the realm, laboreth continually about the King's highness for my undoing, and to corrupt my blood, and to disinherit me and my heirs, and such persons as be about me, without any desert or cause done or attempted, on my part or theirs, I make our Lord Judge. Wherefore, wors

fellowship, or be sent unto me by your agreement, be demeaned in such wise by the way, that they do no offence, nor

he bailiffs, burgesses and common

hes towar

mediately to the royal presence.98.3 But the duke, who had no desire to engage the king's forces, turned aside and hoped to reach London unmolested. He sent a herald before him to desire liberty for himself and his allies to enter the city; but strict injunctions to the contrary had been left by the king, and his request was refused. Disappointed in this quarter, it was natural that he should look for greater

vonshire lay to the south with another detachment of 6000, and Lord Cobham by the river-side commanded an equal force. Seven ships lay on the water filled with the baggage of the troops. But the strength of the king's army appears to have l

isbury and Warwick, Lord Beauchamp, Lord Sudeley, and some others. The answer made by York was, that no ill was intended against either the king or any of his Council; that the duke and his followers were lovers of the commonweal; but that it was their intention to remove from the king certain evil-disposed persons, through whose means the common people had been grievou

und he was deceived. The king, in violation of his promise, kept the Duke of Somerset attending upon him as his chief adviser, and York was virtually a prisoner. He was sent on to London in advance of the king, in a kind of honourable custody, attended by two bishops, who conducted him to his own residence; but what to do with him when he got there was a difficulty.

ly Somerset knew too well that if he made this a ground of accusation against his rival, recrimination would be sure to follow, and he himself would incur a weight of public odium which might possibly lead to the same result as in the case of Suffolk. The wisest and most politic course for himself was not to impeach the Duke of York, but, 101 if possible, to shut his mouth and le

erest of my life. I shall not in no wise any thing take upon me against your royal estate or the obeisance that is due thereto, nor suffer any other man to do, as far forth as it shall lie in my power to let it; and also I shall come at your commandment, whensoever I shall be called by the same, in humble and obeisant wise, but if [i.e. unless] I be letted by any sickness or impotency of my person or by such other causes as shall be thought reasonable to you, my sovereign lord. I shall never hereafter take upon me to gather any routs, or make any assembly of your people, without your commandment or licence, or in my lawful defence. In

eceive. And over this I agree me and will that if I any time hereafter, as with the grace of our Lord I never shall, anything attempt by way of fear or otherwise against your royal majesty and obeisance that I owe thereto, 102 or anything I take upon me other

no constraining or coercion. In witness of all the which things above written I, Richard, Duke

re loyalty, the duke was permitt

Normandy in less than a year and a half after the unjustifiable outrage. York's charges against Somerset. But if any credit may be given to the further charges brought against him by the Duke of York,-charges which agree only too well with the character attributed to him by the most impartial authorities102.3-Somerset had himself to blame in great measure for the defenceless condition of the country committed to his protection. 103 On his first going into Normandy he had jobbed the offices under his control. For the sake of private emolument he had removed a number of trusty and experienced captains, filling their places with creatures of his own, or men who had paid douceurs for their posts; and only on receipt of still greater b

ext of the accusation,103.1

as in losse of youre lyvelode by yonde thee see and otherwyse in ponisshment of deservitours and excuse of innocencie, and also in puttyng aside and eschuyng of the grete and importable hurte and prejudice which ben like, withouten that purviaunce be had of remedie, to succede in shorte tyme. To the which articles and every of theym I, the seid Duc of York, desire of youre egall and indifferent rightwesnesse that the seid Edmond answere by his feith and trouth, 104 the sacrement of h

may clerly by (sic) understonde by the meanes and causes that folowen; of the which and for such one he is openly called, reputed and had by the comen fame and voice. Of the which oon cause is that the seid Duc of Somersett, at his first comyng into Normandie, chaunged and putt out of theire occupacion and youre service, withoute skyll, cause or reason, all the true and feithfull officers, for the most partie, of all Normandie, and put in such as hym liked for his owne singuler availe and covetyse, as it apperith well, inasmoch as ther coude noon of theym that were so put out be restored agayn withoute

ied diverse places disopered by youre commaundement, as Morteyn and Seint Jakes de Beveron, ageyn the appointement of the seid trues; uppon which youre uncle did sommon hym to make a-seeth [satisfaction] and for to 105 disimpaire the seid fortifying and wrong don agayn the trues, and in asmoch as non aseeth by hym was don, nor [he] lefte not of his seid fortifiyng, caused

termi[ned] for to ley seges to put the same places in theire subjeccion, not paiyng duely nor contentyng such soudiours as abode uppon the defences of the same places; he reryng at that tyme in youre said Duchie as grete tailles and aides as were in long tyme before duryng the werre; a

unde with here enemyes as well as they myght for theire ease and suertee, makyng no maner of provision for the kepyng of the places which remayned; insomuch that he made non ordinaunce nor provision for the toun, castell, and places of Rouen, neither of men, stuffe ne vitaile, the knowlage that he had of youre enemyes comyng thereunto notwithstondyng, yevyng licence unto the Archiebisshopp, chanons and burgeys of the same toun for to goo or sende to compounde with youre enemyes for the deliveraunce of the same, notwithstondyng that afore that tyme the enemyes which were entred in to the same t

f hym, his childre and goodes; which myght not, nor hath not, be done nor seen by lawe, resoun or cronikel, or by cours or a . . . . . . any leftenant, all though that he had be prisoner: Witnesse the Duc of Orliaunce, the Duc of Burbon, the Duc of Alansum and other . . . . . . for whom was none delyvered, al though they had many strong places of theire owen. And furthermore fore the suertee of delyveraunce of . . . . . . tounes, castell and forteresses which were wel furnysshed for to have resisted yo

un of Cales, like as he hath afore causid the perdicion of youre Duchie of Normandie; which apperith well, in asmoch as he hath desirid the terme of a monyth without more, that, in case that the said Toun were besegid and not rescuyd within the 107 said monyth, that than he shuld stond discharged though it were delyvered to youre enemyes; within which tyme it were impossible, or at the lest full unlikly, that never myght be assembled for the rescu therof, where as it may and hath be here-before kept ayens the force of youre enemyes moche lenger tyme in grete jupardy; which is so grete an hevynesse and trouble to youre said soudiours, that by theire langage, demenyng and communicacion it may be

uter and other myscheves daily done and contynued in this youre roialme

i

i

his owne use and singuler availe, notwithstondyng that he was recompensid for his lyvelode in that cuntrey in youre Duchie of Normandie of a more value than the gift therof was worth, which causith the said Englisshmen to be here in grete povertee; of which povertee no doute commyth grete myscheve d

iverse pointes, and in especiall that he hath desirid a recompense of youre highnes for the counte of Mayn for the delyverance therof, where it was specified in youre lettres patentes of 108 your graunte therof to hym made that ye shuld be at your libertee to dispose it at your pleasere in case

your lawe in such case and processe will require; desiryng of youre highnesse and rightuous justice that in asmoche as lawfully may ayenst hym be foundon or previd, that jugement in that partie be had and executid unto youre highn

rk at St. Paul's, active and energetic measures began to be taken for the defence of Calais. Defence of Calais. Historians, as Sir Harris Nicolas truly remarks, do not seem hitherto to have been aware of the imminent danger in which even Calais at this time stood of being lost, like the other English conquests, a full century before it was actually recovered by the French. Rumours that Calais would be besieged reached England in the beginning of May 1450, along with the news of the Duke of Suffolk's murder.108.1 In August 1451 a reinforcement of 1150 men was sent thit

ed, and even the dwellers at home were insecure. The fact was confessed by the greatest eulogists of Henry VI., who had not a thought of impugning his government. 'Our enemies,' says Capgrave in his Illustrious Henries,-'Our enemies laugh at us. They say, "Take off the ship from your precious money, and stamp a sheep upon it to signify your sheepish minds." We who used to be conquerors of all nations are now conquered by

h 1452 a commission was given to Lord Clifford, which was doubtless one of a number given to various noblemen, to negotiate for this purpose with shipowners, knights, and gentlemen in the district where he commonly resided; and he was instructed to take the command of all such vessels as he could raise, and bring them into the Downs to join with Shrewsbury. The appeal to patriotism was not made in vain. Many shipowners came forward, offering not only to lend but to victual their own ships for the service. But full powers were also given to arres

of Parl.

appears to me clearly to belong to the year 1450, when the Duke had just returned from Ireland. See

e murder of the Bishop of Chichester, and apparently as a principal, not an accessory in that murder, when he was at the t

ed 'Chester'

See N

dings of the Privy Co

ted 'your' i

ermined. Of the two candidates proposed by him for the county of Norfolk, only one was returned, the name of Sir Miles Stapleton being substituted for that of Sir William Chamberlain (see vol. ii. p. 185 n

See N

51, 153, 15

s Chronicl

vol. ii.

ymer,

s of Parl

W.

. Stow in his Chronicle dates

W.

l the Commons' agreed to this proposition, and stoo

of Parl.

ummer, I find, who knows him better, has not the same opinion of Fortescue's impartiality as a politician, but considers

s. 167,

s. 179

119, 185

os. 18

No.

No.

No.

2 I

s of Parl

r was separated from this dio

s of Parl

of favour at one time during Suffo

sin, i.

ment to the see, dated 23rd December 1450, was

s Chronicl

tters, First Se

Chronicle (ed

an, the king and Somerset set out on the 16th of February. The summo

ii. 23. See Appendix

of York seven years afterwards, that he was 'of no power to withstand' the king on this oc

e matter in hand.' Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles

1 Fa

Century Chronicles, 69, and th

the Rolls of Parliament, but they occur

ls of Par

as handsome in person, gentle and urbane in manner, and well inclined towards justice; but all these graces were marred by an insatiable avarice which would not let him

his Chronicle, p. 397, and the charges are referred by him to the thirty-third year of the king's reign, i.e. the latter part of A.D. 1454, which is certainly erroneous. Th

MS. mu

o be cut off in the MS. a

he Bold, son of Philip the Good, wh

Lett

e de Illust.

I.'s time is, however, better known by

tain towns in Normandy. It is said that he only recovered his liberty on taking oath never to bear arms again against the French

en left with th

expected form

Home-Disa

al pa

ar to extend these benefits still further. Taking his example from the great Spiritual Ruler, the king, on Good Friday, the 7th of April 1452, offered publicly a general pardon to all who had been guilty of acts of disloyalty to himself, and who would apply to his Chancery for letters patent.111.1 The offer was, undoubtedly, both gracious and humane. It sprang from a genuine love of peace on the king's part, and probably went far to make the government of Somerset endurable for some months longer. Amid the confusion and troubles o

ss evidence was not likely to be had without a strong 112 guarantee for the protection of witnesses. Already the news of the duke's coming had got wind, and some of the dependants of Lord Scales, who had been amongst the principal offenders, had given notice that any complaints against them would be redressed in another fashion after the duke's departure. In the absence of the duke Lord Scales had been always hitherto the natural ruler of the county, and it was under his protection that Sir Thomas Tuddenham, Sir Miles Stapleton,

e time in continual alarm and confusion. They held their rendezvous at the house of one Robert Ledeham, from which they would issue out in bands of six, or twelve, or sometimes thirty or more, fully armed with bows and arrows, spears and bills, jacks and sallets.112.2 No place was sacred from their outrages. On Mid-Lent Sunday they had attacked two servants of the Bishop of Norwich inside the church at Burlingham, and would have killed them behind the priest's back while they were kneeling at the mass. On the

saulted at Nor

scue his death would seem to have been certain. On the very day on which this occurred his wife's uncle, Philip Berney, was waylaid by some of the same fellowship, in the highway under Thorpe Wood. Berney was riding, accompanied by a single servant, when their two horses first were wounded by a discharge of arrows. They were then speedily overtaken by their assailants, who broke a bo

made bailiff of the hundred of Blofield.113.3 Charles Nowell was a friend of Thomas Daniel, who, after being a year and a half out of favour, had recently recovered his influence in Norfolk through the medium of the Duke of 114 Somerset.114.1 By this means he seems again to have obtained possession of the manor of Bradeston, the right to which he had disputed i

t before the duke as a promoter of sedition. He was accused of having taken part in an unlawful assembly at Postwick, with the view of stirring up an insurrection. He confessed the fact, and offered to turn king's evidence on his accomplices. He then named a number of thrifty husbandmen, farmers, and gentlemen of the neighbourhood, alleging that about three hundred persons were implicated in the intended rising. The truth, as it presently turned out, and as Church himself afterwards confessed, was, that the movement had been got up by

ed to hear that after this a petition from the county of Norfolk was sent up to the Lord Chancellor, praying that Church should not be allowed the benefit of the general pardon, offered upon Good Friday.115.1 But Church persevered in his policy. He appears to have been a reckless kind of adventurer. He probably claimed the benefit of clergy, for we find him three months after his arrest in the hands of officers of the Bishop of Norwich. His goods also were seized for a debt that he owe

emonth after the Duke of York's oath of allegiance at St. Paul's. I have found, however, by an examination of the 116 dates of privy seals, A royal progress. that in July the king began a progress into the west of England, which is not altogether without significance. He reached Exeter on the 18th, and from thence proceeded by Wells, Gloucester, Monmouth, and Hereford to Ludlow, where he arrived on the 12th of August, and from which he returned homewards by Kenilworth and Woodst

some pieces of jewellery to Sir John Fastolf for a loan of ￡437, to be repaid next Midsummer.116.1 The transaction is in every way curious, as illustrating the sort of dealings in money matters which were at that time by no means uncommon among knights and nob

ohn F

high regard for John Paston's advice in business, and sometimes sent letters and documents of importance by him to his agent in Norfolk, Sir Thomas Howes.117.1 He seems to have been related in blood to John Paston's wife,117.2 and he acknowledges Paston himself as his cousin in his will. From the general tenor of most of his letters we should certainly no more suspect him of being the old soldier that he actually was than of being Shakespeare's fat, disorderly knight. Every sentence in them refers to lawsuits and title-deeds, extortions and injuries received from others, forged processes affecting property,

the peace and coram, custalorum, and ratolorum, there can hardly be a doubt that the knowledge of legal terms and processes was not a thing so entirely professional as it is now. But if we go back to an 118 earlier time, the Paston letters afford ample evidence that every man who had property to protect, if not every well-educated woman also, was perfectly well versed in the ordinar

produce from the county of Norfolk. In two of his letters we have references to his little ship The Blythe,118.1 which, however, was only one of several; for, in the year 1443, he obtained a licence from the Crown to keep no less than six vessels in his service. These are described as of four diff

of Caiste

d,-had taken several strong castles and one illustrious prisoner,119.2-had held the government of conquered districts, and had fought, generally with success and glory, in almost every great battle of the period. Nor had he been free, even on his return to England, to go at once and spend the rest of his days on his paternal domains in Norfolk. His counsels were needed by his sovereign. His experience abroad must have qualified him to give important advice on many subjects of vital interest touching both France and England, and we have evidence that he was, at least occasionally, summoned to take part in the proceedings of the Privy Council. But now, when he was upwards of seventy years of age, the dream of his youth was going to be realised. Masons and bricklayers were busy at Caister,119.3 building up for him a magn

some time in building:-many years, we should suppose, passed away before it was completed. And we are not without evidence that such was actually the case; for a chamber was set apart for the Lady Milicent, Fastolf's wife, who is believed to have died in 1446, and yet the works were still going on in 1453. In this latter year we find tha

ar Sir John Fastolf had removed from London and taken up his residence at Caister, where, with the

e fact is that the Gascons, who had been three centuries under English rule, did not at all relish the change of masters. Under the crown of England they had enjoyed a liberty and freedom from taxation which were unknown in the dominions of Charles VII.; and on the surrender of Bordeaux and Bayonne, the 121 French king had expressly promised to exempt them from a number of impositions levied elsewhere. But for this promise, indeed, those cities would not so readily have come to terms.121.1 Unfortunately, it was not very long before the ministers of Charles sought to evade its fulfilment. They represented to the people that for their own protection, and not for the benefit of the royal treasury, the imposition

nted, and an embassy, headed by the Sieur de l'Esparre, was sent over to the King of England to offer him the allegiance of the lost provinces once more, on his sending a sufficient fleet and army to their rescue. The proposal being laid before a meeting of the English Council, was of course most readily agreed to; and it was arranged that a fleet, under the command of the Earl of Shrewsbury, should sail for the Garonne in October. On the 18th of that month the earl accordingly e

ear before he took any active steps to expel the enemy from their conquests. He then marched southwards from Lusignan, near Poitiers, and laid siege to Chalais in Perigord, on the borders of Saintonge. In the space of five days it was taken by assault. Out of a garrison of 160 men no less than half were cut to pieces. The other half took refuge in a tower where they still held out for a time in the vain hope of succours, till at last they were compelled to surrender unconditionally. Of the prisoners taken, such as were of English birth were ransomed; but as for those who were Gascons, as they had sworn fealty to Charles and departed from their allegiance, they were all beheaded. A

he main body of the besiegers had entrenched themselves. Further pursuit being now unnecessary, the English returned to the abbey, where they were able to refresh themselves with a quantity of victuals which the French had left behind them. 'And because the said skirmish,' writes the French chronicler De Coussy, 'had been begun and was done so early that as yet Talbot had not heard mass, his chaplain prepared himself to sing it there; and f

ier of the French lines, they were mowed down behind by the formidable fire of the French artillery. Against this all valour was fruitless; about 500 or 600 English lay dead in front; and the French, opening the barrier of their park, rushed out and fought with their opponents hand to hand. For a while the conflict was still maintained, with great valour on both sides; but the superior numbers of the French, and the advantage they had already gained by their artillery, left very little doubt

unds.124.2 Yet it must be owned that in this action he courted his own death, and risked the destruction of a gallant army. For though he was led to the combat by a false report, he was certainly under no necessity of engaging the enemy when he had discovered his mistake, and he was strongly dissuaded from doing so by Thomas Everingha

, and thirty other knights of England. About double 125 that number were taken prisoners, the most notable of whom was

lt, and a few weeks later the castle was also taken. Other places in like manner came once more into the power of the French king. At Fronsac an English garrison capitulated and was allowed to leave the country, each soldier bearing in his hand a baton till he reached the seaside. Very soon Bordeaux was the only place that held out; nor was the defence even of this last stronghold very long protracted. Its surrender was delayed for a time only in consequence of the severity of the conditions on which Charles at first insisted; but a sickness

of disaffection began to be perceived. Robert Poynings. On the 2nd of January Robert Poynings-the same who had taken a leading part in Cade's rebellion, and had, it will be remembered, saved the life of one of Sir John Fastolf's servants from the violence of the insurgents-called together an assembly of people at Southwark, many of whom were outlaws. What his object was we have no distinct evidence to show. He had received the king's general pardon for the part he took in the movement under Cade; but he had been obliged to enter into a recognisance of ￡2000, and find six sureties of ￡200 each, for his good behaviour; so that he, of all men, had best cause to beware of laying himself open to any new suspicion of disloyalty. Yet it appears he not only did so by this meeting at Southwark, but that immediately afterwards he confederated with one Thomas Bigg of Lambeth, who ha

lia

t of the kingdom and for its outward defence. The necessity of sending reinforcements into Gascony was not mentioned, and apparently was not thought of; for up to this time the success of Shrewsbury had been uninterrupted, and the French king had not yet begun his southward march. The Commons elected one Thomas Thorpe as their Speaker, and presented him to the king on the 8th. Within three weeks they voted a tenth and fifteenth, a subsidy of tonnage and poundage, a subsidy on wools, hides, an

d to, as 3000 were to be charged upon the Lords and 3000 more on Wales and the county palatine of Cheshire, while an additional thousand was 128 remitted by the king, probably as the just proportion to be levied out of his own household. For the remaining 13,000, the quota of each

ing them to Constantinople, where possibly, had the fact been known, they might at this very time have done something to prevent that ancient city from falling into the hands of the Turks. For

nd on the duke's own petition, an Act was passed enabling him to be paid, not immediately, but after his predecessor, Humphrey, Duke of Buckingham, should have received all that was due to him in a like capacity.128.2 The pay of the officers of Calais, it would thus appear, but that it seems to have been discharged by the Captain for the time being out of his own resources, must at this time have been more than two years in arrear. If such was the state of matters, we ga

the fifteenth and tenth already voted should be immediately applied to the one object, and a certain proportion of the subsidy on wools to the other. At the s

were divers petitions exhibited in the present Parliament to which no answer had yet been returned, and which would require greater deliberation and leisure than could now conveniently be afforded, seeing that the autumn season was at hand, in which the Lords were at liberty to devote themselves to hunting and sport, and the Commons to the gathering in of their harvests.' As these weighty matters, whatever they were, required too much consideration to be disposed of

e. Great preparations were made for sending an army into Guienne, when Guienne was already all but entirely lost. It is true the Government were aware of the danger in which Talbot stood for want of succours, at least as early as the 14th of July; even then they were endeavouring t

ethamste

as Percy, Lord Egremont, on the 1st; Thomas Courtenay, Earl of Devon, on the 20th, and Sir William Oldhall, who is called of Hunsdon, on the 26th. Ralph, Lord Cromwell, had one on the 22nd May, and Robert Wynnyngton of Dartmouth (the writer of Letter 90) on the 28th Jul

1 No

s of mail

s. 211,

212, 213, 2

Nos. 2

1 No

214, 217, 2

n effectual, for I did not find Church's n

s. 214,

1 No

3, 159, 162,

ohn, if he were spoken to, would be gladder to let his kinsmen have part than stran

3 No

Nos. 1

Rymer,

Sketch of Caister Castle, p. 31

y Documents' in

e Duke o

Nos. 2

orical Ske

5 No

Nos. 2

Basin,

Ibid

1. Leclerq (in Petitot

4. Leclerq, 39-41. M

i. 264-5. D

e Couss

asin, i

Ibid

e Couss

artier, 265

the pardon granted to him five years

incoln, on the Rolls of Parliamen

s of Parl.

s of Parl.

Ibid.

s of Parl.

een known on the 4th of August

Proceedings, vi. 151-4, 155-7.

ptain, Oliv

nged: expected

g's Pro

lls ill. in August the king fell ill at Clarendon, and began to exhibit symptoms of mental derangement.130.3 Two months later an event occurred in which, under other circumstances, he could not but have felt a lively interest. After eight years of married life, the queen for the first time bore him a child. It was a

egun to kindle a dangerous conflagration. In the month of August, probably of the year before this, Lord Thomas Nevill, a son of the Earl of Salisbury, married a niece of Lord Cromwell at Tattersall in Lincolnshire. After the wedding the earl returned into Yorkshire, when, having reached the neighbourhood of York, some disturbance arose between his retainers and those of Lord Egremont, son of the Earl of Northumberland.131.1 As to the cause of the dispute we are left entirely ignorant; but it grew into a seriou

his land'; and according to the usage in such cases, every peer of the realm had notice to 132 attend. Gladly, no doubt, would Somerset have omitted to send such notice to his rival; and it seems actually to have been the case that no summons was at first sent to the Duke of York. But afterwards the error was rectified, and York being duly summoned, came up to Westminster and took his seat at the Council-table132.1 on the 21st of November. Before taking part in the proceedings, however, he addre

f Norfolk. Norfolk accuses Somerset. A set of articles of impeachment was drawn up by the latter, to which Somerset made some reply, and was answered again by Norfolk. The accuser then pressed the matter further, urging that the loss of Normandy and of Guienne should be made a subject of criminal inquiry according to the laws of France; and that other misdemeano

danger. The battle that he had lost would have to be fought over again with the queen, who now put in a claim to be intrusted with the entire government of the kingdom. Every man of Somerset's party got his retainers in readiness, and while other lords were out of town, the harbinger of the Duke of Somerset secured for his company all the lodgings that

the Duke of Buckingham took the child in his arms and presented him to the king, beseeching him to give him a father's blessing. Henry returned no answer. The king and his child. The duke remained some time with the child in the king's presence, but could not extract from him the slightest sign of intelligence. The queen then came in, an

safeguard of his person.' The Duke of Buckingham caused to be made '2000 bends with knots-to what intent,' said a cautious observer, 'men may construe as their wits will give them.' Further from the court, of course, the old disturbances were increased. 'The Duke of Exeter, in his own person, hath been at Tuxforth beside Doncaster, in the north country, and there the Lord Egremont met him, and

a Baron of the Exchequer. In the former capacity his functions had been for some time suspended; for Parliament, which had been prorogued to the 12th November at Reading, only met on that day to be prorogued again to the 11th February, in consequence of the mortality which prevailed in the town. Meanwhile, in Michaelmas term, the Duke of York took an action of trespass against him in his own Court of Exchequer, and a jury had awarded damage

both he and his father had suffered injustice in the cause of the House of Lancaster, and that the Duke of York's action of trespass against his father was owing to his having arrested, at the king's command, 'certain harness and other habiliment

ittle in advance. Along with the Duke of York there also came up, or was expected to come, his powerful friend the Earl of Warwick, who, besides the retinue by which he was attended, was to have a thousand men awaiting his arrival in London. Even these noblemen and their companies formed a most powerful confederacy. But there were two other great personages besides who travelled with them on the same road,

s of the Duke of York. And yet some little time was necessarily allowed to pass before any special powers could be intrusted to him. Parliament was not to sit again till the 11th February, and Reading was still the place where it was appointed to assemble. The Earl of Worcester, who f

t and the

e of that court that its officers in such cases should not be sued before any other tribunal; that a jury had found him guilty of trespass, and awarded to the duke damages of ￡1000 and ￡10 costs. Speaker Thorpe had accordingly been committed to the Fleet for the fine due to the king. The proceedings against him had not been taken 137 during the sitting of Parliament, and it was urged that if he should be released by privilege of Parliament a great wrong would be done to the duke. It was a delicate question of constitutional law, and the Lords desired to have the opinion of the judges. But the chief justices, after consultation with their brethren, answered, in the name of the whole body, that it was beyond their province to determine matters concerning the privilege of Parliament; 'for this high court of Parliament,' they said, 'is

be prejudiced by the circumstances of his particular case. It was accordingly decided that he should remain in prison, and that the Commons should be directed to choose another Speaker. This they did on the fo

The Commons were very naturally alarmed; a modern House of Commons would have been indignant also. They had in the preceding year voted no less than ￡9300 for Calais, partly for repairs and partly for making jetties, besides all the sums voted for the pay of the garrison and the tonnage and poundage dues, which ought to have been applied to general purposes of defence. They therefore humbly petitioned to be excused from making any further grants; 'for they cannot, may not, ne dare not make any m

cil re

only the king's lieutenant in Parliament. With the assent of the Great Council he could prorogue or dissolve it and give the royal assent to any of its acts. But the business of the nation imperatively required that some smaller body of statesmen should be intrusted with more general power

nt into consideration, we invite the reader

as D

ed with Anne, and that she was an acquaintance of John Paston's. With John Paston, accordingly, the earl thought it best to communicate, and in doing so earned for himself the heartfelt gratitude of Denyes by one of those small but truly gracious acts which reveal to us better than anything else the secret of the power of the English aristocracy. The lady seems not to have given her admirer any great encouragement in his suit. She had pr

4-just about the time the queen and Buckingham were making those vain attempts to introduce his child to the notice of the unhappy king-when, consequently, it was still uncertain whether York or Somerset would have the rule, and when lawless persons all over the country must have felt that there was more than usual immunity for bad deeds to be hoped for,-Thomas Denyes wrote a letter in the name of the Earl of Oxford to Walter Ingham, requiring his presence at the earl's mansion at Wivenhoe, in Essex, on the 13th. This letter reached Ingham at Dunston, in Norfolk, and he at once set out in obedience to the summons. Walter Ingham waylaid. But as he was nearing his destination, on the 12th, he was waylaid by a party in ambus

etion to be allowed to a retainer. But whatever may have been the cause, poor Denyes now becomes positively an 141 object for compassion-all the more so because his chief feeling in the matter was not a selfish one. Denyes and his wife in prison. Besides imprisoning Denyes himself in the Fleet, the cardinal and the Earl of Oxford threw his wife into the Counter, and afterwards sent her to Newgate, where she suffered the discomforts of a gaol apart from her husband, although she was then with child. 'Which standeth

to arrest my servants, that I dread that she nor I shall have no creature to attend us ne help us; and such malice have I never heard of here before. And it is told me that beside that they will despoil, if any good they can find of mine in Norwich or Norfolk, and imprison my servants there.' All this he urgently implored Paston to prevent to the best of his ability. And it must be said that John Paston, although he considered himself little bound to Denyes, except in so fa

of England, was dead. Little as we know, beyond a few broad facts of his career, whereby to judge his real character and aims, it is certain that he was an accomplished statesman. A follower originally of Cardinal Beaufort,-the man who of all others could serve two masters, Rome and England, with the least degree of repugnance, and of whom the best that can be said is, that he never scrupled to betray the former in what appeared to be the interest o

of the Council. The formation of a governing Council was now more important than ever; but the most pressing questions of all were the appointment of a new chancellor and of a new archbishop. Who was to take upon himself to nominate either

o were a mere assurance of anxiety to hear of his recovery, and that the Lords, under the presidency of the duke as his lieutenant, were using their best discretion in the affairs of the nation. If any response were made to these two articles, the deputation was then to tell him of the death of Cardinal Kemp, and ask to know his pleasure who should be the new archbishop and who should be appointed chancellor. They were to say that for the security of the Great Seals (there were at this time no less than three Great Seals used in the Chancery)1

accordingly they were again with him, and tried all they could to elicit an answer; but the king was speechless. They then proposed that he should go into another room, and he was led between two men into his bedchamber. A third and last effort was then made to rouse him by every expedient that could be imagined; and when all else failed, a question was put to him which involved no more than a s

d-an influence so great that, at times unhappily, Acts are even passed by Peers against their own sense of right and justice, in deference to the will of the Lower Chamber-is a thing not directly recognised by the constitution, but only due to the control of the national purse-strings. Strictly speaking, the House of Commons is not a legislative body at all, but only an engine for voting supplies. The Peers of the realm, in P

mdiu Regi placeret. It was terminable by the king himself the moment he found himself able to resume the actual duties of royalty. Even a protectorship like that of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, instituted in consequence of the king being an infant, was terminated before the royal child was eight years old by the act of his coronation. The crowned and anointed infant became a king indeed, and therefore no longer required the services of a Protector; so from that day Duke Humphrey had ceased to wield any authority except that of an ordinary member of the

on, the said name and charge, I desire and pray you that in this present Parliament and by authority thereof it be enacted, that of yourself and of your free and mere disposition, ye desire, name and call me to the said name and charge, and that of any presumption of myself, I take them not upon me, but only of the due and humble 146 obeisance that I owe to do unto the king, our most dread and Sovereign Lor

own justification, resolved that an Act should be made according to a precedent during the king's minority, setting forth that they themselves, from the sheer necessity of

adjusted, the duke was formally created Protector by patent on the 3rd of April. It was, however, at the same time provided by another patent that the office should devolve on the king's son as soon as he came of age.146.2 After this, five Lords were appointed to have the keeping of the sea against the king's enemies, and in addition to the subsidies already voted by Parliament for that object, a loan, am

again i

s,147.2 the result of which and of further deliberations on the subject was seen in the appointment of the Duke of York as captain or governor of the town, castle, and marches. This office was granted to him by patent on the 18th of July,147.3 but he only agreed to undertake it, as he had done the Protectorship, subject to certain express conditions to which he obtained the assent of the Lords in Parliament. Amon

ived that Lord Egremont had already been making large assemblies and issuing proclamations of rebellion, in concert with the Duke of Exeter. To restore tranquillity, 148 it was thought proper that the Duke of York should go down into Yorkshire, where he no sooner made his appearance than his presence seems to have put an end to all disturbances. The Duke of Exeter disappeared from the scene and was reported to have gone up secretly to London; but the adherents of Lord Egremont continued

of March, and Edmund, Earl of Rutland, who were of the ages of twelve and eleve

rschipfull and gretely redoubted lorde and fader, t

tes, beseching Hym hertely to geve yowe that grace and cotidian fortune here aftur to knowe your enemyse and to have the victory of them. And yef hit plaese your hieghnesse to knowe of oure wilfare, at the makyng of this lettre we were in good helith of bodis, thonked be God; beseching your good and graciouse Faderhode of youre daily blessing. And where ye comaunde 149 us by your said lettres to attende specialy to oure lernyng in our yong age that schulde cause us to growe to honour and worschip in our olde age, Please hit youre hieghnesse to witte that we have attended owre lernyng sith we come heder, and schall

eason, the opinion of the judges should be taken before he was released from confinement. That he had remained so long without a trial was not unnatural, considering the nature of the times. It was a bold step indeed to try him at all, while there was a chance of the weak-minded king's recovery; but this step was certainly resolved on. The 28th of October was the day appointed for his trial; and the Duke of Norfolk,

uke of York should return into the North with the Duke of Exeter in his custo

l in prison, in worse case than he was.' William Paston wrote in haste, but these were two matters of public importance to be mentioned before all private affairs whatever.150.2 And yet the private affairs of which he wrote in the same letter will not be without interest to the readers of this Introduction. Sir J. Fastolf goes to reside in Norfolk. William Paston now reported to his brother that Sir John Fastolf was about to take his journey into Norfolk within a few days, and proposed to take up his residence at Caister. His going thither must have

old soldier that he was!) he perpetually insisted on what was due to himself;-how he desired to know the names of those who would presume to resist his agent, Sir Thomas Howes-how they should be requited 'by Blackbeard or Whitebeard, that is to say, by God or the Devil';151.3-how he noted that Sir John Buck had fished his stanks and helped to break his dam;151.4 how he had been informed that at a dinner at Norwich certain gentlemen had used scornful language about him, and desired to know who they were.151.5 In this perpetual self-assertion he seems neither to have been over-indulgent towards adversaries nor even sufficiently considerate of friends and dependants. 'Cruel and vengeable he hath been ever,' says his own servant Henry Windsor, 'and for the most part without pity and mercy.'151.6

till exist in his handwriting relating to the holding of manorial courts there.152.2 He had also been Fastolf's secretary in drawing up various statements regarding the wars in France in vindication of his master's policy.152.3 He was a man of literary tastes, who had already presented some compositions to his patron.152.4 Later in life he wrote a book of annals, which is an important historical authority for the period. It seems to have been about a year before his master's death that he set himself assiduously to learn French, under the tuition of a Lombard named Caroll Giles.152.5 From this instructor he had purchased several books, and Henry Windsor suspected he had run himself into debt in consequence. He had fairly owned to Windsor 'he would be as glad and as fain of a good book of French or of poetry, as my master Fastolf would be to purchase a fair manor

lf sold his wardship to Chief-Justice Gascoigne for 500 marks; 'through the which sale,' wrote Scrope at a later date, 'I took sickness that kept me a thirteen or fourteen years [en]suing; whereby I am disfigured in my person and shall be whilst I live.' Gascoigne held this wardship for three years, and by right of it intended to marry Scrope to one of his own daughters; but as the young lad's friends thought the match unequal to his fortune, Fastolf bought the wardship back again.154.1 Stephen Scrope, however, when he grew up, was not more grateful for the redemption than for the original sale of his person. 'He bought me and sold me as a beast' (so he writes of Sir John Fastolf), 'against all right and law, to mine hurt more than 1000 marks.' In consequence of the stinginess of his stepfather he was obliged, on coming of age, to sell a manor which was part of

he contract became matter of interest some time afterwards to John Paston and his mother, when Scrope, who, besides being disfigured in person, was probably not far from fifty years of age, made an offer for the hand of Paston's sister Elizabeth, a girl of about twenty. The proposed match did not take effect; but it was for some time seriously entertained. Agnes Paston writes that she found the young lady herself 'never so willing to none as she is to him, if it be so that his land stand clear.'155.2 The reader will perhaps think from this expression that the young lady had been pretty early taught the importance of considering worldly prospects; but there w

50, and a ringleader in other movements a few years later. This second marriage appears to have taken place about New Year's Day 1459;156.1 before which time we find various other proposals for her hand besides that of Scrope.156.2 Among these it may be noted that Edmund, Lord Grey of Hastings, wrote to her brother to say that

he king's illness on the 10th of August:-'In nocte S. Laurentii Rex infirmatur et continuavit usque

1 W.

Council Proceedings, v

rivy Council Proc

n. VI. m. 20. See Append

3 No

1 No

.2

1 No

s of Parl.

2 No

ls of Par

1 No

s of Parl.

s of Parl.

Ibid

ls of Par

Ibid

Nos. 1

Nos. 2

1 No

2 No

her imprisonment. The manner in which Denyes here speaks of her daught

Nos. 2

cil Proceedings, vol. vi.

ls of Par

lls of P

ls of Par

Ibid

ls of Par

4 No

1 No

rivy Council Proc

51. Carte's Gascon

ls of Par

uncil Proceedings, vi. 1

riginal in MS. Cott., Ve

rivy Council Proc

ivy Council Procee

2 No

e to John Paston by his marriage, was

4 No

Nos. 3

0, 350, 351,

3 No

Nos. 1

5 No

6 No

Nos. 2

. MS. 28,

son's Wars,

instantiam J. Fastolfe militis.' MS. Laud

Lett

or at all events very doubtful. It is clear from Letter 404 that a certain 'W. W.' and Colinus Gallicus were different persons (see vol. iii. p. 213, note 3), and the references to 'W. W.' at p. 230 as the knight's secretary and one of his executors remove any doubt that we might otherwise entertain that he was William Worcester. But a new difficu

nicknamed Colinus Gallicus; but on comparing the different passages where t

Itin

notice of William Worcester in Retrospe

1 No

ombe, to which Mr. Scrope refers in this work, have since been presented by him and Mr. Lowndes

in a footnote, the widow of Sir Reginald Cobham of Sterborough, who died in 1446; for there was an earlier Sir Reginald Cobham, whose widow Elizabeth was married to William Clifford as ea

Lett

2 No

3 No

See No

s. 236,

1450, Scrope translated from the French and dedicated to Sir John, 'for his contemplation and solace,' a work entitled Ditz de Philosophius (Sayings of Philosophers), of which the

t symptoms of m

ads "sy

eassembl

. mi

ife of

ng's r

to him and brought with her the infant prince, for whom nearly twelve months before she had in vain endeavoured to bespeak his notice. What occurred at that touching interview we 157 know from a letter of Edmund Clere to John Paston, and it would be impossible to wish it recorded in other words. 'And then he asked what the Prince's name was, and the queen told him "Edward"; and then he held up his hands a

. 1

ed to speak with him, and finding his discourse as clear and coherent as they h

earing; but the fault may have been due, after all, to weakness more than malice. In cases of treason, when once a trial was instituted against a leading nobleman, a conviction was, in those days, an absolutely invariable result; but this made it a thing all the more dangerous to attempt when it was hopeless to expect the positive sanction of the king. The real cause, however, why Somerset was not brought to trial can only be a matter of conjecture. His continued confinement, however harsh, was, according to the practice of t

and confined in the Tower of London one whole year and more than ten weeks over, and had only been liberated on bail on the 7th of February. So, as he declared there was no charge made against him for which he deserved to be confined, he besought the king that his sureties might be discharged; offering, if any one would accuse him of anything contrary to his allegiance, that he would be ready at all times to answer according to law and like a true knight. Somerset released. His protestations of loyalty were at once accepted by the

y we not only find that Calais stood again in imminent danger of siege,159.2 but that considerable fears were entertained of an invasion of England.159.3 But to the Duke of York they gave cause for personal apprehension. Notwithstanding the specious appointment of a tribunal to settle the controversy between him and Somerset, it was utterly impossible for him to expect anything like an equitable adjustment. A Council was called at Westminster in the old exclusive spirit, neither York nor any of his friends being summoned to attend it. A Great Council was then a

is friends

ourchier, as Chancellor, in which they not only repudiated all intention of disloyalty, but declared that, as the Council was summoned for the surety of the king's person, they had brought with them a 160 company of armed followers expressly for his protection. If any real danger was to be apprehended they were come to do him service; but i

ume III.160.2 In it, as will be seen, York and his friends again made most urgent protest of their good intent, and complained grievously of the unfair proceedings of their enemies in excluding them from the royal presence and poisoning the king's mind with doubts of their allegiance. They declared that they had no other intent

m and Somerset, his half-brother, Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke, the Earls of Northumberland, Devonshire, Stafford, Dorset, and Wiltshire, and a number of other lords, knights, and gentlemen, amounting in all to upwards of 2000, arrived at the very same place just before them, having rested at Watford the previous night. Anticipating the approach of the Duke of York, the king and his friends occupied the suburb of St. Peter's, which lay on that side of the town by which the duke must necessarily come. The duke accordingly, and the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, drew up their forces in the Keyfield, outside the barriers of the town. From seven in the morning till near ten o'clock the two hosts remained facing each other without a blow being struck; during which time the

ttle of St. Albans. The Duke of Somerset was slain, and with him the Earl of Northumberland, Lords Clifford and Clinton, with about 400 persons of inferior rank, 162 as the numbers were at first reported. This, however, seems to have been an over-estimate.162.1 The king himself was wounded by an arrow in the neck, and, after the engagement, was taken prisoner; while the Earl of Wiltshire, and the

and systematic exclusion from the king's councils of a leading peer of the realm-of one who, by mere hereditary right, quite apart from natural capacity and fitness, was entitled at any time to give his advice to royalty, was a crime that could not be justified.

p of London's palace, and a council being assembled, writs were sent out for a Parliament to meet on the 9th of July following.162.4 Meanwhile the duke was made Constable of England, and Lord Bourchier, Treasurer. The d

Warwick accused Lord Cromwell to the king, and when the latter attempted to vindicate himself, swore that what he stated was untrue. So greatly was Lord Cromwell intimidated, that the Earl of Shrewsbury, at his request, took up his lodging at St. James's, beside the Mews, for his protection. The retainers of York, Warwick, and Salisbury went about fully armed, and kept their lords' barges on the river amply furnished with weapons. Proclamations, however, were presently issued against bearing arms. The Parliament, at last, laid th

amentary

idate for Norfolk. Exception was taken to John Howard, one of the duke's nominees (who, about eight-and-twenty years later, was created Duke of Norfolk himself, and was the ancestor of the present ducal family), on the ground that he possessed no lands within the county;164.2 and at the nomination the names of Berney, Grey, and Paston were received with great favour.164.3 John Jenney thought it 'an evil precedent for the shire that a strange man should be chosen, and no worship to my lord of York nor to my lord of Norfolk to write for him; for if the gentlemen of the shire will suffer such inconvenience, in good faith the shire shall not be called of such worship as it hath been.' So unpopular, in fact, was Howard's candidature that the Duke of Norfolk was half persuaded to

e severe shock that he must have received by the battle of St. Albans,165.1 had felt the necessity of retirement to recover his composure, and had withdrawn before the meeting of Parliament to Hertford; at which time the Duke of York, in order to be near him, took up his quarters at the Friars at Ware.165.2 He was well, or at all events well enough to open Par

four temporal lords were to be among the slain. The Londoners were spared this excitement; but from the country there came news of a party outrage committed by the eldest son of the Earl of Devonshire, on a dependant of the Lord Bonvile, Disturbances in the West. and the West of England seems to have been disturbed for some time afterwards.165.4 From a local MS. chronicle cited by Holinshed, it appears that a regular pitched battle took place between the two noblemen on Clist Heath, about two miles from Exeter, in

rds of the Council. The Houses then met under the presidency of the duke.166.3 The Commons sent a deputation to the Upper House, to petition the Lords that they would 'be good means to the King's Highness' for the appointment of some person to undertake the defence of the realm and the repressing of disorders. But for some days this request remained unanswered. The appeal was renewed by the Commons a second time, and again a third time, with an intimation that no other business would be attended to till it was answered. York again Protector. On the second occasion the Lords named the Duke of York Protector, but he desired that

e entire government of the kingdom to his Council, merely desiring that they would inform him of anything they might think fit to determine touching the honour and surety of his person.167.2 The business of the nation was again placed on something like a

. 1

from him. On the 9th of February, as we learn from a letter of John Bocking, it had been anticipated that he would have received his discharge in Parliament; but he was allowed to retain office for a fortnight longer. On that day he and Warwick thought fit to come to the Parliament w

ead, and quite as much attached to her interests. There were, moreover, the Duke of Buckingham and others who were by no means friendly to the Duke of York. But no man possessed anything like the degree of power, experience, and political ability to enable the king to dispense entirely with the services of his present Protector. The king himself, it was said, desired that he should be named his Chief Councillor and Lieutenant, a

aced, if not in a sound, at least in a more hopeful condition than before; and Parliament and the Protector were both dismissed, without, apparently, the slightest provision being made for the future conduct of affairs. Government, in fact, seems almost to have fallen into abeyance. There is a most striking blank in the records of the Privy Counc

k appears to have had the ordering of all things. But his authority hung by a thread. His acts were without the slightest legal validity except in so far as they might be considered

l James not only to quit the siege but to leave all his ordnance and victuals behind him.169.2 How matters stood between the two countries during the next ten months we have no precise information; but it is clear that England, although the injured party, could not have been anxious to turn the occasion into one of open rupture. Peace still continued to be preserved till, on the 10th of May 1456, James wrote to the King of England by Lyon herald, declaring that the truce of 1453 was injurious to his kingdom, and that unless more favourable conditions were conceded to him he would have recourse to arms.169.3 A message more 170 calculated to fire the spirit of the English nation it would have been impossible for James to write; nevertheless, owing either

d a courageous knight,' in making daily forays and suddenly retiring again.170.2 The end of this expedition we do not know; but we know that not long afterwards Henry changed his policy. The letter written by the Duke of York in the king's name was regularly enrolled on the Sc

queen and her infant prince were staying at Tutbury, the Duke of York at Sandal, and the Earl of Warwick at Warwick.171.1 Afterwards we find the queen removed to Chester, while the Duke of Buckingham was at Writtle, near Chelmsford in Essex. The only lord with the king at Sheen was his half-brother the Earl of Pembroke. His other brother, the Earl of Richmond, who died in the course of this year, was in Wales

ng and

k, as we find stated only a few months later, was in very good favour with the king but not with the queen;171.4 and we know from Fabyan that the latter was at this time doing all she could to put an end to his authority. It appears to me that by her influence the duke must have been ordered to withdraw from the Court, and that to prevent his again seeking access to the king's presence, she pursued him into the north. At Tutbury171.5 she wo

the 18th, at Kenilworth on the 24th, and at Lichfield on the 29th. In September he moved about between Lichfield, Coventry, and Leicester; but by the beginning of October the Court seems to have settled itself at Coventry, where a council was assembled on the 7th.172.2 To this council the Duke of York and his friends were regularly summoned, as well as the lords whom the queen intended to honour; but even before it met, changes had begun to

larly in the Duke of Buckingham, who was half-brother to two of the discharged functionaries, the Archbishop of Canterbury and 173 Viscount Bourchier. Either from this cause or from a mere English love of fair-play, it would appear that Buckingham now supported the Duke of York, who, it is said, though at this time he had some interviews with the king and found Henry still as friendly as he could desire, would certainly have been troubled at his departure if Buckingham had not befriended him. About the Court there was a g

. 1

of Kent was attacked by enemies, and within the kingdom a dangerous spirit of disaffection had shown itself in various places. On the Patent Rolls we meet with numerous commissions for keeping watch upon the coasts,173.5 for arraying the country against invasion,173.6 and for assembling the posse comitatus in various counties, against treasonable attempts to stir up the people.173.7 During April the Court had removed to 174 Hereford,174.1 apparently in consequence of some disturbances w

French managed to surprise and plunder Sandwich. The French attack Sandwich. On Sunday, the 28th August, a large force under the command of Pierre de Brézé, seneschal of Normandy, landed not far from the town, which they took and kept possession of during the entire day. A number of the inhabitants, on the first alarm, retreated on board some ships lying in the harbour, from whence t

ot aware of the 175 fact, but an early French chronicler who lived at the time assures us that the attack had been purposely invited by Margaret of Anjou out

1 No

.2

ymer, x

bid. 36

ymer, x

uncil Proceedi

d., is a commission dated 5th May, for keepin

s of Parl.

s of Parl.

2 No

. Rolls of Pa

he battle, says, 'at most six score.' No. 285. Another authority says, '

s. 283,

3 No

4 No

5 No

1 No

1 No

Nos. 2

3 No

4 No

e Rymer,

2 No

3 No

account of the same affair in

's History of

received a papal provision to be the new bishop, but was forced to relinquish it in favour of George Nevill, son of the Earl of Salisbur

ls of Par

ouncil Procee

s of Parl.

bid. v.

Ibid

4 No

1 No

ls of Par

nce exceedeth so far the receipt of the revenues thereof due and leviable to you (i.e. the king), that no person of goodwill dare take upon him to be sheriff in any shire, fo

s. 334,

ouncil Procee

, 70 (edited by me for the Camden Societ

eth MS. 21

S. 211, f. 147.

f. 148. This letter is

ymer, x

Nos. 3

2 No

3 No

4 No

ossessions given to her for he

1 Fa

2 No

1 No

t Coventry are noticed as contained in the earliest Leet Boo

als in Public

4 No

n. VI. p. 1 m. 16 d. (26

p. 2 m. 5

bid. (1

Seals dated at Hereford between

and gone to Worcester, from which he proceeded to Winchcombe

hree Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 70,

e Couss

ick severely

uperfluous

ation and

now of its proceedings is that some of them, at least, were of a stormy character,-one point on which all parties were agreed being the exclusion from the council chamber of Pecock, Bishop Pecock. Bishop of Chichester, an ardent and honest-minded prelate, who, having laboured hard to reconcile the Lollards to the authority of the Church by arguments of common sense instead of persecution, was at this time stigmatised as a heretic and sedition-monger, and very soon after was deprived of his bishopric. It augured

rived in town by the day appointed for the meeting. A.D. 1458. The Earl of Salisbury's excuse, dated at Sheriff Hutton on the 24th of January,176.2 does not refer to this, for it appears certainly to be of a different year. Fabyan says that he had already arrived in London on the 15th January. He made his appearance there at the head of 400 horse, with eighty knights and squires in his company. The Duke of York also came, though he arrived only on the 26th, 'with his own household only, to the number of 140 h

Council

could not bear to be protracted. The Duke of York and the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick had taken up their quarters within the city itself; but the young lords whose fathers had been slain at St. Albans-the Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Northumberland and his brother, Lord Egremont, and the Lord Clifford-were believed to be bent upon revenge, and the civic authorities refused them entrance within their bounds.177.1 Thus the lords within the town and those without belonged to the two opposite parties respectively; and in consequence of their mutual jealousies, conferences had to be arranged between them in the morning at the Black Friars, and in the afternoon at the White Friars, in Fleet Street.177.2 The king, for his part, having opened the proceedings with some very earnest exh

of agr

and of certain money payments, or assignments out of moneys due to them by the Crown, to be made by York, Warwick, and Salisbury, to Eleanor, Duchess Dowager of Somerset and to her son, Duke Henry, to Lord Clifford, and others, in lieu of all claims and actions which the latter parties might have against the former.178.1 With what cordiality this arrangement was accepted on either side we do not presume to say. Historians uni

a fi

e described as 'great ships of forecastle.' Immediately he manned such vessels as he had in readiness, and went out to seek the enemy. The force at his command was only five ships of forecastle, three carvels, and four pinnaces; but with these he did not hesitate to come to an engagement. At four o'clock on Monday morning the battle began, and it contin

A.D.

earl and his attendants, and wounded several of them before they could embark. With hard rowing they got beyond the power of their assailants and made their way into the city; but the queen and her friends insisted on imputing the outrage to the earl himself, and demanded his arrest. The earl found it politic to retire to Warwick, and afterwards to his former post at Calais. On this the queen and her council turned their machinations against his father, the Earl of Salisbury, whom Lord Audley was commissioned to arrest

entered into the strife in a way he had not done hitherto. He not only took the field in person against the rebellious lords, but exhibited a spirit in the endurance of fatigue and discomfort which seems to have commanded general admiration. Even at the time of Lord Audley's overthrow, it would appear that he was leading forward a reserve. For about a month he kept continually camping out, never resting at night, except on Sundays, in the same place he had occupied t

e drawn up and signed by them in Worcester Cathedral. This instrument they had forwarded to the king by a deputation of churchmen, headed by the prior of that cathedral, and including among others Dr. William Lynwoode,180.2 who administered to them the sacrament on the occasion. Again, after Garter left, they wrote from 181 Ludlow on the 10th of October, protesting that their actions had been misconstrued, and their tenants subjected to wrong

ction of some of their followers. A report was spread through the camp that the king was suddenly deceased, witnesses were brought in who swore to the fact, and mass was said for the repose of his soul. But that very evening, Henry, at the head of his army, arrived within half a mile of their position. The state of the country, flooded by recent rains, had alone prevented him from coming upon them sooner. Before nightfall a few volleys of artillery were discharged against the royal army, and a regular engagement was expected next day. But, meanwhile, the royal proclamation of pardon seems to have had its effect. One Andrew Trollope, who had come over with the Earl of Warwick from 182 Calais, withdrew at dead of night and carried over a considerable body of men to the service of

re att

be dispossessed, except on parchment. On parchment, however, he was presently superseded in both of his important offices. The Duke of Exeter was intrusted with the keeping of the sea, which even at the time of the great reconciliation of parties he had been displeased that Warwick was allowed to retain.182.2 The young Duke of Somerset was appointed Captain of Calais, but was unable to take possession of his post. Accompanied by Lord Roos and Lord Audley, and fortified by the king's letters-patent, he crossed the sea, but was refused admittance into the

earls at Calais; A.D. 1460. and though in London in the February following nine men were hanged, drawn, and beheaded for attempting to do so,183.4 the cause of the Yorkists remained as popular as ever. In vain were letters written to foreign parts, 'that no relief be ministered to the traitor who kept Calais.'183.5 In vain the Duke of Somerset a

d Rivers and his son Sir Anthony Wydevile were sent to Sandwich about the beginning of the year, with a body of 400 men. Besides the command of the town, they were commissioned to take possession of certain ships which belonged to the Earl of Warwick, and lay quietly at anchor in the harbour.184.1 Lord Rivers at Sandwich. But the issue of their exploit was such as to

exhibiting as much contempt as possible for their unfortunate prisoners. 'My Lord Rivers,' writes William Paston, 'was brought to Calais, and before the lords with eight score torches, and there my lord of Salisbury rated him, calling him knave's son, that he should be so rude to call him and those other lords traitors; for they should be found the king's true liegemen when he should be found a traitor. And my Lord of Warwick rated him and said that his father was but a squire, and brought up with King Hen

le.185.2 A new force of 500 men was accordingly sent to Sandwich under the command of one Osbert Mountford or Mundeford,185.3 an old officer of Calais. His instructions were to go from Sandwich to Guisnes, either in aid of the Duke of Somerset, as intimated in Worcester's Annals, or, according to another contemporary authority,185.4 to bring him over to England. But while he waited for a wind to sail, John Dynham again

16th of March, Warwick having met with the Duke of York in Ireland, the two noblemen entered the harbour of Waterford with a fleet of six-and-twenty ships well manned; and on the following day, being St. Patrick's Day, they landed and were ceremoniously received by the mayor and burgesses.186.2 Warwick seems to have remained in Ireland more than two months, concerting with the Duke of

gate C

ing year,186.4 and, as he himself states, he remained nearly a year and a half in England.186.5 But the incapacity of the king, and the dissensions that prevailed among the lords, rendered his mission a total failure. Henry, indeed, who was never wanting in reverence for the Holy See, named a certain number of bishops and lords to go upon this mission, but they one and all refused. He accordingly sent two priests of little name, with an

nsions of England.187.3 But he certainly overstrained them, and allowed himself to become a partisan. Flattered by the attentions shown him by Warwick, he acceded to his suggestion, and when, on the 26th of June,187.4 the day after Mundeford was beheaded at Calais, the confederate lords crossed the Channel, the nuncio was in their company, bearing the standard of the Church. Archbishop Bourchier, too,

arch, Warwick,

the legate and Archbishop Bourchier. Secondly, they complained of the crying evil that the king had given away to favourites all the revenues of his crown, so that his household was supported by acts of rapine and extortion on the part of his purveyors. Thirdly, the laws were administered with great partiality, and justice was not to be obtained. Grievous taxes, moreover, were levied upon the commons, while the destroyers of the land were living upon the patrimony of the crown. And now a heavier charge than ever was impo

ually encouraging them to attempt the conquest of the land, while in regard to Calais the king had been induced to write letters to his enemies not to show that town any favour, and thus had given them the greatest possible 189 inducement to attempt its capture. Meanwhile the Earls of Shrewsbury and Wiltshire and Visco

f England, Lord Bourchier was appointed Lord Treasurer, and a Parliament was summoned to meet at Westminster for the purpose of reversing the attainders passed in the Parliament of Coventry. Of the elections for this Parliament we have some interesting notices in Letter 415, from which we may see how the new turn in affairs had affected the politics of the county of Norfolk. From the first it was feared that after the three earls had got the king into their hands, the old intriguers, Tuddenham and Heydon, would be busy to secure favo

ton in P

olitical duties.190.1 But what would be the effect of the coming over from Ireland of the Duke of York, who had by this time landed at Chester, and would now take the chief direction of affairs?190.2 Perhaps the chief fear was that he would be too indulgent to political antagonists. Moreover, the Dowager Duchess of Suffolk had contrived to marry her son to one of York's daughters, and it was apprehe

ng policy, the attainted Yorkists were now for the fourth time in possession of power; but who could tell that they would not be a fourth time set aside and proclaimed as traitors? For yet a fourth time since the fall of Suffolk, England might be subjected to the odious rule of favourites under a well-intentioned king, whose word was not to be relied on. To the commonweal the prospect was serious enough; to the Duke of York and his friends it was absolute and

it with favour. The greater number stayed away from the House.191.2 But the duke's counsel insisting upon an answer, the House represented the matter to the king, desiring to know what he could allege in opposition to the claim of York. The king, however, left the lords to inquire into it themselves; and as it was one of the gravest questions of law, the lords consulted the justices. But the justices declined the responsibility of advising in a matter of so high a nature. They were the king's justices, and could not be of counsel where the king himself wa

ht by torchlight and took upon him as king, and said in many places that "This is ours by right."'192.2 Perhaps the facts looked worse than they were really; for it had been agreed in Parliament, though not formally expressed in the Accord, that the duke should be once more Protector and have the actual government.192.3 But it is not surprising that Margaret and her friends would recognise nothing of what had been done in Parliament. Since the battle of Northampton she had been separated from her husband. She fled with her son first into Cheshire, afterwards into Wales, to Harlech Castle, and then to Denbigh, which Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke, had just won for the House of Lancaster.192.4 Her flight had been attended with difficulties, especially near Malpas, where she was robbed by a servant of her own, who met her and put her in fear of the lives of herself and her child.192.5 In Wales she was joined by the Duke of Exeter, who was with her in October.192.6 From thence she sailed to Scotland, where the 193 enemies of the Duke of York were specially welcome. For James II.

e who, though perhaps with some inaccuracies of detail as to fact, is a witness to the strong impression

of the field by the Lord Clifford's band towards the town. But or he could enter into a house, he was by the said Lord Clifford espied, followed, and taken, and, by reason of his apparel, demanded what he was. The young gentleman, dismayed, had not a word to speak, but kneeled on his knees, imploring mercy and desiring grace, both with 194 holding up his hands and making dolorous countenance, for his

r husband's cause. But soon afterwards she came to York, where, at a council of war, she and her adherents determined to march on London. So it may have been a fact that Clifford presented to her the head of York upon a pole with the words recorded. But never was prophecy more unhappy; for instead of the war being ended, or the king being ransomed, there cannot be a doubt these deeds of wickedness imparted a new ferocity to the strife and hastened on the termination of Henry's imbecile, unhappy reign. Within little more than two months after the battle of Wakefield the son of the murdered Duke of York was proclaimed king in London, by

o further. It was not long after the commencement of those later troubles-more precisely, it was on the 5th November 1459, six weeks after the battle of Bloreheath, and little more than three after the dispersion of the Yorkists at Ludlow-that the aged Sir John Fastolf breathed his last, within the walls of that castle which it had been his pride to rear and to occupy in the place of his birth. Death of Sir John Fastolf. By his will, of

rivy Se

uncil Proceedi

ouncil Procee

2 No

rivy Council Pro

in MS. Cott.,

ronicle (ed. Dav

Lett

stede, 417-18

Lett

Lett

422 sq. Engl. Chro

.2

isoners, for whom it was difficult to find room in all the prisons of Calais. It is not impossible that this may have been a different action, which took place on the very day, month, and year to which Whethamstede refers it; but the silence of other authorities about a second naval victory would lead us to suppose he

. Chron. (

Chron. (Davies), 80.

ls of Par

ch of England, but probably a nephew or other relation of his. The William Lynwoode

Chron. (Davi

t untruly says, 'they took no consideration' of Gar

vi. 348-9. Whethams

W. Wor

low (Rymer, xi. 436), and, according to one authority (Engl. Chron., ed. Davies, 84), he went over in the sam

in MS. Cott.,

3 Fa

73. One of them was named Roger Nevile, a lawyer of the

5 Sp

6 W.

s), 84, 85; Three Fifteen

Lett

. Engl. Chron

Lett

ppendix to

rs, Margaret, was the mother of Margaret Paston (Blomefield, ii. 182). He had been much engaged in the king's service in France, and had been treasurer of

. Chron. (

., 479; Fabya

sh Chron. (

eth MS. 63

. (Davies),

the Pope is dated 7th Janu

Venetian Calen

obellin

not really the king's son; but the worst that was insinuated was that he was a changeling. But Warwick himself, according to Gobellinus, described the s

e's letter to him

day,' writes Coppini from London on the 4

. Chron. (

armed, and with provision for their own expenses for two months. One of these privy seals, signed by the king himself, was addressed specially to John Paston's eldest son, John, who at this time could not have been

nd in Holinshed, iii. 652-3; a

2 No

Lett

Lett

Lett

83; Fabyan; Rolls

W. Wor

s of Parl.

wer of the victors, he does not appear to have been placed under any kind of restraint. In October

a London Citizen, 2

icle (Davies), 106;

ouncil Procee

ons of a Londo

6 No

e, 21. Exchequer Rolls of

ls of Par

W. Wor

lf's

hold it to his use so long as he lived, and to apply 196 it after his death to the purposes mentioned in his will. For the greater part of his lands in the counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, and Surrey, he had appointed one body of trustees as early as the year 1449, ten years before his death.196.1 This body consisted of five bishops, including the two primates, three lords, two justices of the King's Bench, two knights, and ten other persons. But of these original trustees a good number were already dead, when, in the year 1457, a new trust was created, and the greater part of the Norfolk and Suffolk pro

his other executors, he had in effect bequeathed to John Paston the whole of his lands in the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk. Yet it does not appear that in Fastolf's latter days John Paston was about him more than usual. He was just as frequently away in London as he had been in any 197 previous year.197.1 But even when absent, he had a very staunch and hearty friend in Friar Brackley, who frequently visited the sick chamber, and took every opportunity to preserve and augment the high esteem that Fastolf entertained for him. At the last Brackley wrote to urge him to come down to Norfolk, as the patient evidently could not live much longer.

m Worc

ly reasonable that Paston should have the principal share in the administration of the property while he, who had been so long in Fastolf's service, so devoted to his interests, and yet so ill rewarded during his master's life, found no kind of provision made for him in the will. It was, indeed, perfectly true that Fastolf had named him one of his executors. But this executorship, as it turned out, was not a thing likely to y

n could have an interview with the bishop. They managed to have goods out of the Abbey of Bermondsey that no one knew about, except William Paston and Worcester themselves, and another man named Plomer. In short, William Worcester acted at this time as a most confidential and trusty friend to John Paston's interests, being either entirely ignorant how little provision was made for his own, or trusting to Paston's benevolence and sense of justice for that reward which was not expressly 'nominated in the

and that Sir Thomas Howes, Fastolf's confessor, who was his wife's uncle, had been present in the chapel at Caister when this gift was conceded. Worcester's wife had in fact asked Sir Thomas to choose the land. Ne

nd to whom they ought to descend. Claimants of Fastolf's property. That many pretenders would lay claim to the different portions of those rich domains, John Paston and his brother knew full well. The Duke of Exeter had already set up a claim to Fastolf's place in Southwark, on what grounds it is impossible to say. Others, who had no hope of proving title to any part of the property themselves, expected to win favour at court by offering to es

usit extremum had issued without his applying for them, but they were only for the counties of Surrey and Essex, in which John Paston was not interested. Special commissions to the same effect for the counties of Wilts and Yorkshire were procured from the king at Coventry eighteen days later. A.D. 1460. But for Norfolk and Suffolk the writs were not issued till the 13th May in the following year.200.1 The delay was most probably owing to representations on the part of Paston's enemies; and to the same cause we

t Caister were let by his agents, and apparently, in spite of his opponents, whoever they may have been, he had succeeded in obtaining quiet possession of all Fastolf's lands in Norfolk.200.3 Equally little resistance seems to have been made to his claims in the county of Suffolk, where an inquisition was taken at Bungay nine days after that which had been taken at Acle. In each county the jury

of him the reversion of the manor; but Sir John distinctly told him he had given it to Paston for the purpose of founding a college.201.2 Indeed, it is perfectly clear that for years he had intended it to be turned into an abode of priests, and not made a residence for any such powerful nobleman. And this intention, which is apparent enough in several of the letters written during his lifetime, was expressed in the most unambiguous language in the document which John Paston declared to have been his last will.201.3 Indeed, if we believe John Paston's testimony, interested though it no doubt may be, it was chiefly from a fear that his executors might sell the place, not, indeed, to the duke, of whom he seems at that time to have ceased to entertain any apprehension, but to the Viscount Beaumont, the Duke of Somerset, or the Earl of Warwick, that the old knight determined to make Paston his principal executor.201.4

many faults, was most honourably anxious from the first to do justice even to the meanest of his subjects.202.3 Paston repaired to the royal presence, and obtained letters from the king to the duke, which his servant, Richard Calle, 203 conveyed to Framlingham. They were delivered to his lordship at the lodge of his demesne, but the messenger was not admitted to his presence. The duke, however, wrote an answer to the king, promising shortly to repair to Court, when he offered t

ainly restored to him, and in all probability it was restored within a month or two before t

en. VI., and inrolled on the Close

ost mortem, 38 and

. 376, 377, 3

2 No

3 No

1 No

Nos. 3

ilia, viva et mortua, ubicumque et in quorumcumque manibus), and all debts due to him from whatever persons, to Henry Everyngham, Esq., Hugh Fenne, gentleman, Henry Wyndesore, gentleman, Robert Toppes, jun., gentleman, and John Bokk

2 No

Worcester

mortem, 38 and 39

2 No

.3

222 (in

2 No

3 No

4 No

1 No

d Norfolk told me here he came from London, and there he had commonly voiced that the Duke of Norfolk should, by the king's commandm

r, inquired if he had moved the king's highness therein. And he answered me that he had felt and moved the king therein, rehearsing the king's answer therein: how that when he had moved the king in the said manor of Dedham, beseeching him to be your good lord therein, considering the service and true part that ye have d

Nos. 4

r 630 to have been written in the year 1461, notwithst

ng of Edwar

cousin Jerningham the younger, there would have led him forth with him; and he told them plainly, if they made any such doings there, unless they had the letter to show for them, they should have laid on204.2 on their bodies.'204.3 A still more flagrant instance of lawlessness had occurred just before, of which our old acquaintance Thomas Denys was the victim. Thomas Denys. He was at this time coroner of Norfolk. If not in Edward IV.'s service before he was king, he became a member of the royal household immediately afterwards, and accompanied the new king to York before his coronation. It appears that he had some complaints to make to the king of one Twyer, in Norfolk, and also of Sir John Howard, the sheriff of the county, a relation of the Duke of Norfolk, of whom we have already spoken,204.4 and shall have more to say presently. But scarcely had he returned home when he was pulled out of his house by the parson of Snoring, a friend of Twyer's, who accused him of having procured indictments ag

ome a widow, having lost her husband at the second battle of St. Albans, and her lands are occupied by the Countess of Nort

name of which is doubtful.205.3 Then we hear of the beheading of the Earl of Wiltshire, and of his head being placed on London Bridge.205.4 Then come matters relating to the coronation of Edward IV., which was delayed on account of the siege of Carlisle.205.5 On this occasion, it seems, John Paston was to have received the honour of knighthood,205.6 which

lk. But his election as knight of the shire for Norfolk did not pass altogether without question. Paston's wife's cousin, John Berney of Witchingham, whom Sir Miles Stapleton accused of being implicated in the murder of Denys, had taken a leading part in the proceedings, and Stapleton alleged that he was meditating further outrages. The people had appeared 'jacked and saletted' at the shire house, the under-sheriff was put in suspicion of Berney, and the sheriff, Sir John Howard, conceived it would be necessary to have a new election. To this neither Berney nor Paston very much objected. Berney was willing to give every assurance that he would do the under-sheriff no bodily hurt, but he considered his conduct that at the election had not been creditable, and he desired that he would either intimate to the people that the election should stand, or procure a new writ, and publicly announce the day on whi

not, indeed, hear any more of John Berney and Sir Miles Stapleton; John Paston and Sir John Howard. but the sheriff, Sir John Howard, had a violent altercation with Paston himself in the s

complaints that 'the world was right wild, and had been sithence Heydon's safeguard was proclaimed at Walsingham.'207.4 But 208 whoever was in fault, it was a serious thing for John Paston-who by this time hoped that he was in favour with the king, and had actually got his eldest son introduced into the king's household208.1-that royal influence itself could not still the angry feelings that had arisen about his election. The dispute must now once more come before the king, and his adversary, in consequence of his relation to the Duke of Norfolk, was doubtless a man of considerable influence. Paston himself, it is true, was in the position of the injured party, but he forbore to complain. The subject, however, was brought by others under the not

aving neglected the previous messages. But besides great despatch in coming, and a very weighty excuse, one thing more was very necessary to be attended to, and this further admonition was added: 'Also, if ye

manors in Suffolk, near the borders of Norfolk.209.2 But his absence from London had done great mischief. Not only Howard, but the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk were endeavouring to put him out of the king's favour; and it was said that Caister would be given to the king's brother, Richard, Duke of Gloucester.209.3 Wor

thirty men, and rode to Jenney's place, where he carried off thirty-six head of neat, and brought them into Norfolk. This was a bold exploit, for the enemy had threatened to drag him and Calle out of the place by violence; but Calle still remained, and twelve men with him, and kept possession for five whole days, during which time he visited the farmers and tenants of the manor, and ascertained that they were all well disposed towards Paston, and would pay no money to any one else. But, unfortunately, just at this point came the summons to Paston which he did not dare to disobey; and his opponents knew how to profit by his absence and imprisonment in London. Yelverton and Jenney did not re-enter the manor themselves; but Jenney sold his interest in it to one Gilbert Debenham, who intended to give it

released f

ht's imprisonment. The news that he had got into trouble had excited much sympathy in Norwich, for he was highly popular, and Howard's attempt to set aside his election met with very 211 little approbation. Margaret Paston, especially, was sad and downcast at home, and though her husband ha

of Norfolk. He said the king had been greatly displeased to hear that there had been 'a riotous fellowship' in the county, but that he understood it was not owing to disaffection on the part of the people generally-that it had been stirred up only by two or three evil-disposed persons-that he and the sheriff were there by the king's command, ready to receive complaints from any man against any one whomsoever-and that if they could not prevail upon the wrongdoer to make restitution, the bills should be sent to the king; moreover, that if any man was afraid to set forth his grievances, he should have full protection. At this point Yelverton asked t

. 1

ce and Suffolk would come down with certain judges commissioned to try such persons as were 'noised riotous.' The rumour scarcely tended to pacify discontent. If it were true, people said they might as well go up to the king in a body to complain of those who had done them wrong, and not wait quietly to be hanged at their own doors. The Duke of Suffolk and his mother were the maintainers of those who oppressed the country most, and nothing but severity could be expected from a commission of which the duke was a member, unless his influence were counteracted by tha

good his word, and John Paston in consequence got his tenants to bring actions against him.213.1 Cross pleas between the parties occupied the courts at Westminster for a year or more, during which time we find it suggested to John Paston that he would never get leave to live in peace, unless he could

ubstitute for himself. A.D. 1463. The young man had been summoned four years before to attend and do military service to King Henry VI.213.3 He had since been for some little time a member of King Edward's household, travelling about with the court from place to place.213.4 But he had scarcely seen the usual amount of service, and though now of full age, and known as Sir John Paston, knight, he was living again under his father's roof, wasting his time, as it was considered, in

liberty.214.2 He now not only sought it, but took it without leave. He leaves home. Without signifying his intention to any one, he stole away from Caister, apparently with the view of joining himself again to the king's household. In passing by Lynn, he wrote a penitent letter to his mother, expressing his fear that he had done wrong, and given her uneasiness. And, in truth, she was by no means pleased; for hitherto in their little disagreements she had stood between him and his father, and now her own past efforts at conciliation caused his father to suspect that she had been privy to his escape. If on any occasion Margaret Paston ever deceived her husband,

ton the

obleman, in whose service he was placed, and he was soon made familiar with the stir and bustle of life. At first he went down with the duke to his castle of Holt, in Wales, where he expected to keep his Christmas. The young duke, who was already married, being desired by the king to repair thither for the quiet of the country, had left his wife behind him, but after a while proposed to send for her to keep Christmas in Wales along with him. This intention, however, he was compelled to abandon. At that very time Queen Margaret had come out of France, and had won the castle of Bamborough: Bamborough Castle taken by Margaret of Anjou. and though Warwick was sent to the north as the king's lieutenant, and the king himself was following with an army of his own, it was shortly afterwards determined that the Duke of

me of which we now treat there was hardly one of them far advanced beyond childhood; nor do they, in fact, oc

and m. 19 d., dated May 10; p. 4, m. 22 d., February 24 and Ma

7 d., March 28, and

. 2, m. 10

., Nov. 4; and p. 4, m.

. 3, m. 3 d

and 27 d., Aug. 6 and 12

ded. The expression in the original is, 'they

3 No

See

Nos. 4

6 No

1 No

2 No

3 No

Nos. 4

5 No

Nos. 4

7 No

e inquisition taken in October 1466, after his father's

1 No

standing his large possessions in land, the Duke of York sho

yet it was the whole compensation granted both for the jewels and for a bond of

66-8, 4

Nos. 4

3 No

4 No

Nos. 4

2 No

.3

iar terms with the Earl of Wiltshire. This, and the fact that he was one of Fastolf's executors, seem to prove his identity. It is a satisfaction to find that, though Brackley did not love William Worcester, the bitter words in No. 383 were not levelled at him. Thus he wrote while Sir John Fastolf was on his deathbed: 'Colinus Gallicus says in Yarmouth and other places that

2 No

Nos. 4

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1 48

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s. 477,

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isition p. m., 1 E

Nos. 5

d his conduct th

1st edition ha

08.1: Nos.

reads

s of Jo

th our old friend William Worcester, was contesting in the spiritual court of Canterbury the claim put forward by Paston to be the chief executor under Sir John Fastolf's will; while at the same time William Jenney, and one William Hogan, by Jenney's procurement, took actions for trespass against him in the Suffolk county court. Paston trusted to his influence with the king to deliver him from these vexatious suits. He neglected to put in an appearance at four several county courts, and allowed himself to be

ould return that his master had appeared the first day. Calthorpe had every wish to do Paston a kindness; though he confessed that Jenney had been his good friend and legal adviser for two years past, Paston was still more his friend than Jenney, and he promised to do all that was required.217.1 But this promise he failed to fulfil. Paston's non-appearance was proclaimed a

have been of long duration; but if we are right in the interpretation of a sarcastic anonymous letter217.3 found among his correspondence, his fellow-prisoners threw out surmises when he left that the Fleet would see him yet a third time within

en this letter was written, thanked be Jesu; and also their matters be in a good way, for my Lord Chancellor is their singular good lord.' The crisis in the affairs of the family was certainly very serious, when old Agnes Paston, the judge's widow (for I have never found any other lady spoken of as Margaret Paston's 'mother'), took the trouble to go up to London to

ffolk lays cla

ertheless Philip Lipyate, the duke's bailiff, began taking distresses, and carried off the horses of one Dorlet as he was about to yoke them to his plough. But Margaret Paston, who had been staying at Caister, after waiting till her son Sir John could come to her, and leaving him to keep the castle, went over to Hellesdon to collect the rents for her husband, and put a stop, if possible, to the proceedings of the duke's officers. She soon began to feel that there was more need of a captain like her son Sir John at Hellesdon than at Caister. One single tenant named Piers Warin gave her servants a little trouble,

nnotated all down the margin with very brief rough jottings in his own handwriting, for the most part only calling attention to the subjects touched upon in the letter, but occasionally indicating what he was about to say in his reply. He expressed, indeed, no great respect for the big threats of Suffolk's officers abo

eady to take advantage of the other's weakness. Not that either of them pretended to be above the law, but the duke and Paston each claimed to be lawful owner of the lordships of Hellesdon and Drayton, and, until any legal settlement could be come to, each was well aware of the importance of maintaining his claim by corresponding acts. If the duke could levy a distress, so could Paston. His officers made an inroad, undeterred by the menaces of the duke's men, into Drayton, took 77 neat, and brought them home to Hellesdon. The tenants followed, petitioning to have their cattle back again, but Margaret Paston told them they must first pay such duties as they owed to her husband, or find security to pay at such a day as she could agree to. An officer of the duke named Harleston was at Norwich, and told them that if they either paid or gave such surety they should be put out of their holdings. Harleston

elf was coming to Cossey, and his servants boasted openly that he would have Drayton in peace and then Hellesdon.221.1 And not very long after the duke did come to Norfolk, raising

e duke's men

warrant to attach John Daubeney, Wykes, Richard Calle, and some others. Sir John replied that they were not within, and if they had been he would not have delivered them. Afterwards it was mutually agreed that the Duke of Suffolk should dismiss his men and Sir John Paston should do the same. But this only transferred the scene of action to Norwich, where Richard Calle was attacked by twelve men in the streets and only rescued by the sheriff; nor did h

But on the brow of the hill, nearer Drayton, stood a quadrangular fortress of which the ruins still exist, known at this day by the name of Drayton Lodge. This lodge lay within what was then called Hellesdon Warren, and commanded the entrance to the property. From its elevated position it must have been peculiarly difficult to attack. The country around was op

h labour for these matters, nor set it not so to 223 your heart that ye fare the worse for it. And as for the matter, so they overcome you not with force or boasting, I shall have the manor surelier to me and mine than the duke shall have Cossey, doubt ye not.' In fact, if it were a question of law, John Paston's title seems to have been greatly superior to any that could possibly have been advanced by the duke: in proof of which he points out a few facts which he tells his wife she may if she think proper lay before the Bishop of Norwich. The manor of Drayton had belonged to a merchant of London called John Hellesdon, long before any of the De la Poles held land in Norfolk or Suffolk. It had descended to his daughter Alice, and John Paston was able to show his title to her property. On the other hand he traced the pedigree of

s that he hardly expected to be able to leave London, and in the same letter from which we have just been quoting he desires that if he be not home within three weeks his wife will come to him. In that case she is, before leaving, to put everything under proper

Fastolf's executor. This alone was, perhaps, sufficient to detain him, for it was a thing on which his most important interests depended. But there is no doubt that additional obstacles were raised up for him expressly by the malice of his enem

he first, it informed a whole world of time-servers and place-hunters that there was a new avenue to fortune in securing the favour of the Woodvilles. Already Rivers had been created Lord Treasurer and advanced to the dignity of an earldom. Already marriages had been made for the queen's brothers and sisters, which were evidently provocative of envy, jealousy, and indignation.224.2 The king's liberality towards his new rela

65 and that its author was Judge Yelverton. He had been at this time endeavouring to ingratiate himself with Anthony Woodville, Lord Scales, the queen's brother, and it was in the interest of that nobleman that he made this attempt to asperse the lineage of the Pastons. Lord Scales seeks to obtain Caister. For Lord Scales had begun to cast covetous eyes on the magnificent castle at Caister; and if it were but

e of Paston's interests in another fashion in conferences with Nevill, Archbishop of York, at that time Lord Chancellor. Perhaps already the influence of Archbishop Nevill, like that of his brother the Earl of Warwick, had begun to decline, and Wykes was really wasting his labour in complaining to his lordship of the riotous attempt made by the Duk

ourt held there in her husband's name. But to do this she required the services of one or more faithful dependants who did not mind incurring a little personal risk in the interest of John Paston. Not many, certainly, were disposed to undertake the task. John Paston had written to his wife

t Paston to hold a

duke's authority. In the face of this array, however, Bond and Gloys announced that they came to keep the court in the name of John Paston; on which the former was immediately delivered into the custody of William Ducket, a new bailiff of Drayton appointed by the duke, and was carried off to Cossey, his arms bound behind him with whipcord like a thief. But Margaret Paston spoke with the judges next morning before they went to the shirehouse, in presence of the bailiff of Cossey and the whole of the duke's council; and the judges calling the bailiff before them, gave him a severe reproof, and sent the sheriff to see what company had been mustered

out the middle of the month of August,227.2 and towards the end of September we have evidence that Sir John Paston was in Caister Castle keeping possession for his father.227.3 But the 228 Paston family had been warned of the danger, and we may be well assured that they did not neglect

visits her hus

's Cathedral), and St. Saviour's at Bermondsey, during her stay in the capital. 'And let my sister Margery,' he suggests, 'go with you, to pray to them that she may have a good husband or she come home again.' It is difficult to tell whether this means devotion or sightseeing, jest or earnest. The young man had already seen a good deal of life, and was fam

f of which was composed of doggerel rhyme, jesting about having robbed her portmanteau, and referring her for redress to Richard Calle, whose ears he bade her nail to the post if he did not pay her the value. In none of his previous correspondence does he indulge in verse 229 or betray anything of this rollicking humour. The only subject on which he even insinuates a complaint is the weather, which seems to have been unnaturally cold for September. He speaks of it satirically as 'this cold winter,' and

aston ente

nd taken possession in the name of John Paston. But when he heard that young John Paston was gathering money of the tenants, he raised a body of 300 men to expel the intruder. Young John Paston was expecting reinforcements to his little band from Caister or elsewhere, but they did not come; so that his position would have been a critical one had not some one been his friend in the household of the Duke of Norfolk. Sir Gilbert was the duke's 230 steward, and John Paston the youngest was still in the duke's service. A yeoman of his lordship's chamber represented to that nobleman that there was imminent risk of a quarrel between two of his men, which w

ossession of the place, but out of their anxiety for peace, and to satisfy his lordship, they were willing to desist meanwhile from collecting rents, if the opposite party would engage not to distrain or keep courts there either. To this compromise Sir Gilbert said that h

ke of Suffolk had not only a great number of men at Cossey, but he had a powerful friend within the city of Norwich. Thomas Elys, the new mayor, was so flagrantly partial, that he had said at Drayton he would supply my lord of Suffolk with a hundred men whenever he should require them, and if any men of the city went to Paston he would lay them fast in prison.231.2 Hellesdon, unfortunately, lay midway between Cossey and the city of Norwich, and as it was not now assize time there was practically no control over such magnates as the Duke of Suffolk and the mayor. So, on the morning of Tuesday the 15th of October, one Bottisforth, who was bailiff for the duke at Eye, came to Hellesdon, arrested four of John Paston's servants, and carried them off to Cossey without a warrant from any just

on He

k, very much against their wills, to destroy the mansion and break down the walls of the lodge, while they themselves ransacked the church, turned out the parson, and spoiled the images. They also pillaged very completely every house in the village. As for John Paston's own place, they stripped it completely bare; and whatever there was of lead, brass, pewter, iro

hereupon, both of Norwich and of other places, and they speak shamefully thereof. The duke had been better than a thousand pound that it had never been done; and ye have the more good will of the people that it is so foully done.' Margaret was anxious that th

568-9,

1 No

the Year Books of Mich. and Hil. 4 Edw. iv. for pleadings as to the validity of the outlawry

3 No

1 No

2 No

Nos. 5

Nos. 5

2 No

but pronounced, as it is usually s

1 No

1 No

2 No

3 No

ations have been recently discovered, which are in all probability those o

, and kept there all day. At that time an attack was continually expected, but not more th

by the late Mr. Henry Harrod in the Norfolk Arch?ology, vol. ii. p. 363. Th

1 No

1 No

rc. Annales

. Will. de

ee pp.

eighteen days of a document dated 10th January, 5 Edward IV.-for the express purpose of taking possession of all the goods and chattels of John Paston, whom the king had seized as his 'native.' This raised an awkward question about the privileges of the city, in which John Paston possessed a house. But the civic authorities found a way

1 No

1 No

possible to come home himself, and save her the necessity of going up to London to see hi

610 (vol.

1 No

But Margaret Paston expressly says it was John Paston the younger whom she left at Cotton (No. 610), and this letter must therefore have been written by him. Besides, the writer himself mentions that th

Nos. 6

2 No

1 No

2 No

3 No

Nos. 6

... Mich. and

anged: expected

ton's La

the course of five years, accompanied with a great deal of anxiety about his newly acquired property, the intrigues of lawyers and the enmity of great men, must have exercised a depressing influence even on the stoutest heart. He appears to have been released from prison some time before his death, A.D. 1466. and was so far well in February that he had a conference in Westmi

needed teaching, the crookedness of the times in which he lived, and the hopelessness of trusting to mere abstract right and justice for the protection of his own interests. But by unwearied energy, by constant watchfulness, by cultivating the friendship of Sir John Fastolf and the goodwill of the world in general, he succeeded in asserting for himself a position of some importance in his native county. That he was, at the same time, grasping and selfish to some extent, is no more than what we might be pre

Fastolf

that there are many things which seem to make the imputation credible. We have, unfortunately, only a portion of the depositions taken in the lawsuit, and these are entirely those of the adverse party, with the exception of two separate and individual testimonies given in Paston's favour.234.2 We ought, therefore, undoubtedly to be on our guard against attaching undue weight to the many allegations of perjury and corruption against Paston's witnesses, as it is certainly quite conceivable that the interested testimony was on the other side, and it is truly shown in John Paston's own comments upon the evidence that the proofs given were insufficient. But, on the other hand, it is a very suspicious circumstance that a will d

bable, and we frankly own it as our belief that Sir Thomas Howes, in his latter days, felt scruples of conscience with regard to the part he had taken in defending for his master Paston the validity of what, after all, he considered to be a questionable document. Yet what are we to say, in this case, to the testimony of another Grey Friar, our old friend Dr. Brackley, who had drawn up the final agreement between Fastolf and Paston relative to the college, got it engrossed on indented parchment, read it to Sir John, and saw him put his seal to it?235.2 It was Brackley's dying testimony,

st have been affixed to it after his death. But Paston seems to have shown most successfully that this was impossible, as Fastolf's seal of arms was at his death contained in a purse sealed with his signet, and the signet itself was at that time taken off his finger, and sealed up in a chest under the seals of several of the executors.236.1 Moreover, Paston's statements went to show that the terms of the will were settled in various conferences with Sir John during the months of September, October, and the beginning of November, and that corrections had been made in it by his express desire. With all this, however, it may have been a delicate question whether the latest corrections were truly in accordance with Fastolf's mind

llege:237.1 also that the will made in 1459 was an imperfect document, in which no executors were named, and to which no seal was attached.237.2 If these allegations were true, there was, after all, no great alteration in Sir John's intentions during the last two years of his life. On the other hand, Sir Thomas Howes, in his later declaration, asserts that only a year before Fastolf's death he had, at Paston's desir

as well as their goods to whomsoever they pleased. A man had only to execute a conveyance of his lands to a body of trustees, who thereupon became in law the owners, express provision being made at the same time that they were to hold it for his use so long as he lived, and after his death for the use of certain other persons named in his will, or for such purposes as might therein be 238 indicated. By this indirect means a title in lands was very effectually conveyed to a legatee without any abatement of the original owner's control over his own property so long as he lived. But the practice gave rise to a multitude of i

uthority for saying it was on the 26t

2 No

Nos. 6

1 No

Nos. 5

3 No

4 38

1 No

06 (vol. iv

3 No

606 (vol.

iv. p. 104); No. 6

; vol. iv. Nos. 541, 60

06, p. 182

3 No

to the Statute of Use

ohn P

ds was produced by the family, to show that they had been lords of the soil in Paston from a very remote period. Some of their title-deeds went back as far as the reign of Henry III., and it was shown that their ancestors had given lands to religious houses in that reign. Indeed, so little truth was there in the imputation that John Paston the father was a bondman, that his ancestors, certainly by the mother's side if not by the f

ent at

Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy. This match had been more than a year in contemplation, and was highly popular in cementing the friendship of England and Burgundy in opposition to France. On the 1st May 1467 a curious bargain or wager was made by Sir John Paston as to the probability of its taking effect within two years.239.4 But on the 18th April 1468 he received a summons from the king to be prepared to give his attendance on the princess by the 1st June following, and to accompany her into Flanders.239.5 Not only he, but his brot

aston and

ohn, in proposing to open a correspondence, wrote to her, 'Mistress Annes, I am proud that ye can read English.' For the rest we must not attempt to portray the lady, of whose appearance and qualities of mind or body we have no account whatever. But perhaps we may take it for granted that she was really beautiful; for though Sir Joh

led inh

nd to enter there if he may, insomuch that it is said that he hath a five-score men ready, and sendeth daily espies to understand what fellowship keep the place.' For which reason Margaret Paston urges her son to send home either his brothers or Daubeney to command the garrison, for, as he well knew, she had been 'affrayed'240.2 there before this time, and she could not 'well guide nor rule soldiers.'240.3 Another time it is intimated to Sir John that the Duchess of Suffolk means to enter into Cotton suddenly at some time when few men should kn

d his old misunderstanding with her husband to the interference of others between them, and expressed himself well pleased that Caister was to be at her command. 'A rich jewel it is at need,' writes Worcester, 'for all the country in time of war; and my master Fastolf would rather he had never builded it than it should be in the governance of any sovereign that would oppress the country.' At the same time it seemed very doubtful whether Fastolf's intention of founding the college there could be c

to been his opponent. Sir Thomas Howes unites with Yelverton, Sir Thomas Howes was probably failing in health-for he seems to have died about the end of the year 1468242.1-when he made that declaration 'for the discharge of his conscience' to which we have already alluded. Scruples seem to have arisen in his mind as to the part he had taken with Sir John Paston's father in reference to the administration of Fastolf's will, and he now maintained that the will nuncupative which he himself had propounded along with J

isputed. But it was the nuncupative will that appointed ten executors and yet gave John Paston and Thomas Howes sole powers of administration, except in cases where those two thought fit to ask their assistance. This will se

aister to the D

at once take possession of the place, but he warned the tenants of the manor to pay no money to Sir John, and his agents even spoke as if they had the king's authority. On the other hand, Sir John had the support of powerful men in the king's council-no less persons than the great Earl of Warwick and his brother, the Archbishop of York, who had lately been Lord Chancellor, and was hoping to be so again. The Earl of Warwick had spoken about the matter to the duke even in the king's chamber, and

ver since the marriage with Elizabeth Woodville had last year come to an open rupture, and the Archbishop of York had 244 been at the same time dismissed from the office of chancellor. Soon after the new year a reconciliation was effected through the medium of private friends, and the archbis

ot agree so well that it need be a very hard matter to separate them. Sir John's friends hoped to secure for him the good offices of the Bishop of Ely and a certain Master Tresham, who, it was thought, could put it nicely to Sir Thomas Howes half in jest and half in earnest, putting him 'in hope of the moon shone in

wages' men

have done little to recommend the cause of Sir John Paston to the king. On the other hand, if favour had anything to do with the result, his cause was warmly advocated by 245 Lord Scales, the king's own brother-in-law, on account of Sir John's intended marriage with his kinswoman, Anne Haute.245.1 And it is certain that Judge Yelverton had conferences with Lord Scales in the hope of coming to some kind of understanding. But King Edward, as we have already said, had a real desire to be impartial in the disputes and quarrels of his subjects; and doubtless it was from a feeling of this that Sir John

ous position, to meet his eye, and perhaps some friend in the king's suite could be got to call his attention to it and tell him the story of the outrage. This Thomas Wingfield engaged to do, and promised to get the king's own brother, the Duke of Gloucester, to join him in pointing out the ruin. Promises were also obtained from Earl Rivers, the queen's father, and from her brother Lord Scales and Sir John Woodville, that

odge is show

The king said the building might have fallen by itself, and if it had been pulled down, as alleged, the Pastons might have put in bills at the session of Oyer and Terminer held by the judges when he was at Norwich. William Paston replied that his nephew had b

les 'custodivit hospicium in Castre per spacium dimidii .

Nos. 6

3 No

4 No

5 No

6 No

1 No

' being made upon her. It is curious to meet here our fami

3 No

4 No

1 No

2 No

gular afterwards, for its general effect was confirmed

4 No

5 No

eliminary no

2 38

s of him in the third person. The second is, in fact, a note of various instructions given by the testator in reference to his property on the 2nd and 3rd days of November bef

1 No

2 68

8th October. See No. 690. Nevertheless an ostensible title had been co

Nos. 6

. Worc.

2 No

3 No

4 No

s. 704,

2 No

1 No

.2

-Public a

, but had seen his policy altogether thwarted and his own selfish interests continually set aside. He had been from the first in favour of an amicable compromise of the dispute with France, while the young king owed not a little of his popularity to the belief that he would maintain the old pretensions of England, and vindicate them if necessary upon the field of battle. Disappointed of one mode of promoting a French alliance, he had been disappointed still further in 1467, when the king, to humour his inclinations for a while, sent him over to France on embassy. The result was that he was magnificently entertained by Louis XI., captivated by the bland familiarity of the French monarch, and became for ever after his mo

it in no small degree to himself that he was king at all. As yet Edward was without an heir-male. He had two 248 daughters;248.1 but in the succession a brother might perhaps be preferred to a female. Warwick could marry his eldest daughter to George, Duke of Clarence, and encourage that vain prince in his expectation of the crown. The earl was governor of

e of Fotheringay, one of his own favourite residences.248.3 From thence, when a number of troops had flocked to his standard from all parts of the kingdom, he marched northwards to Nottingham; where, apparently, he learned, to his no little mortification, that his brother Clarence was in alliance with the Earl of Warwick and Archbishop Nevill, and that it was questionable whether they had not too good an understanding with the rebels in the North. That such was the actual fact we know to a certainty. The insurge

g credence for Sir Thomas Montgomery and Maurice Berkeley, and expressing a hope that the current rumour as to their intentions was erroneous.249.3 A hope altogether vain. The king was surrounded with enemies, and no plan of action could be arranged among his friends. Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, whom he had summoned from Wales, met at Banbury with Humphrey, Lord Strafford of Southwick, lately created Earl of Devonshire,249.4 who came out of Devonshire to do battle with the rebels. But the two leaders had a dispute about quarters; the Earl of Devonshire withdrew eight or ten miles back; and Sir William Conyers, the rebel captain, who had adopted the name Robin of Redesdale, Battle of Hedgecote, 26th July. came down upon the Earl of Pembroke and defeated hi

nd Warwick thought it best to let him go. He had done enough for the present to show his power and wreak his revenge upon the Woodvilles; and Ed

eningham, a 251 kinsman of Sir John Fastolf, to demand peaceable entry, on the ground that he had bought the manor from Fastolf's executor Yelverton; but on being refused admittance, he surrounded the castle with a body of 3000 men.251.1 Those within were not wholly unprepared. They had rather more than a month's supply of victuals and gunpowder, but they were only a handful of men. Sir John Heveningham, who was appointed by the duke one of the captains of the besieging force, had hitherto been friendly to the Paston family. He came and visited old Agne

to disturb these occupants in the meanwhile. But who could be relied upon as indifferent, or what power existed in the kingdom to secure impartiality at a time when the king himself was a prisoner in the hands of his enemies? Margaret Paston could but forward these suggestions to her son, with a warning to lose no time in making up his mind about them. 'Send word how ye will be demeaned by as

But the Duke of Norfolk, after agreeing to the suspension of hostilities, which only diminished by so many days' allowance the scanty provisions of the garrison, utterly rejected the conditions which some of his own relations in the king's council had given it as their opinion that he ought not to refuse. On the other hand, Sir John Paston in London, fondly believing that the store of victuals within the place would last a much longer period, caught at an eager hope of obtaining a message from the king which would compel Norfolk to withdraw his forces, and in this idle expectation he was foolish enough to urge Writtill to get the truce prolonged a few days further. Shortly afterwards he received a letter from his mother which ought to have opened his eyes. Victuals, she informed him, were faili

pected it to be renewed for another week. He had heard far worse tidings before than his mother told him now. As for means of relief to the besieged, the Duke of Clarence and Archbishop Nevill were no longer in London, but he was expecting an answer from the king in Yorkshire, which ought to arrive by Wednesday at farthest, and his mother might rest assured there could not possibly be any fear of victuals or gunpowder running short. When all else failed, a re

r surr

alf by Cardinal Bourchier and the Duke of Clarence, Norfolk allowed them to pass out in freedom, with bag and baggage, horses and harness, leaving only behind them their guns, crossbows and 254 'quarrels.'254.1 Thus, after some weeks' suspense and the loss of one valuable soldier (Margaret

but it was all spent immediately in paying the discharged garrison and some other matters. Ways and means must be found to obtain money, for even his mother's rents did not come in as they ought to have done, and she expected to be reduced to borrowing, or breaking up her household. On consideration, he determined to part with the manor of East Beckham, and to ascerta

resumed to fall in love with Sir John Paston's sister Margery. Richard Calle and Margery Paston. Margery Paston had not disdained to return his affection. She at once fell into disgrace with the whole family. Her eldest brother, Sir John, was in London when he heard of it, and it was insinuated to him that the matter was quite well known to his brother John and met with his approval. John the younger hastened to disavow the imputation. A little diplomacy had been used by Calle, who got a friend to inquire of him whether the engagement was a settled thing, in

souls for us.'255.3 But it required much courage to take the step which when taken must be decisive. The avowal was at last made, and though the family would fain have suppressed it or got the poor girl to deny what she 256 said, her lover appealed to the Bishop of Norwich to inquire into the matter, and free the point from any ambiguity. The bishop could not refuse. He sent for Margery Paston and for Richard Calle, and examined them both apart. He told the former that he was informed she loved one of whom her friends did not approve, reminded her of the great disadvantage and shame she would incur if she were not guided by their advice, and said

t least could ill afford to lose the services of one who had been such a faithful and attached dependant. In writing to his mother he expressed a wish merely that the marriage might be put off till Christmas. Calle, meanwhile, unmarried, was staying at Blackborough Nunnery near Lynn, where his bride had found a temporary a

ts after a five weeks' siege by a rival claimant. It was evident that the rebellion of Robin of Redesdale had destroyed King Edward's power. The king had been actually made a prisoner, and the ascendency of the Woodvilles had been abolished. The Duchess of Bedford, wife of the late Earl of Rivers, had even during the commotions been accused of witchcraft.257.1 The Earl of Warwick enjoyed his revenge in the disorganisation of the whole kingdom. He had now made it almost impossible for Edward to recover his a

of two

rompted the widows of these two men to sue an 'appeal'257.3 against John Paston and those who acted with him. A true bill was also found against them for felony at the Norwich session of June 1470, in which Sir John Paston was included as an accessory; but the indictment was held to be void

touching Fa

the bishop, the former promising to surrender the title-deeds of all except the manor of Caister. The project of a college in that place was given up, and a foundation of seven priests and seven poor scholars in Magdalen College, Oxford, was agreed to in its place.258.2 Soon afterwards the Duke of Norfolk executed a release to the bishop of the manor of Caister and all the lands conveyed to him

But, probably in consequence of the disturbed state of the country and the return of Edward IV., the duke's orders for the evacuation of Cais

Poynings

d's death by the Countess of Northumberland. They were afterwards seized by the Crown as forfeited, and granted by patent to Edmund Grey, Earl of Kent, but without any title having been duly found for the king. The Earl of Kent after a time gave up possession of them to the

ton, however, and her second husband we do not hear much henceforward; in the Letters after this

ly printed in some of the publications of the Société de l'Histoire de France, to which attention is called by Mr. Kirk in his History of Charles the Bold (vol. i. p. 415 note, and ii. p. 15 note). It appears that although the earl had not actually gone to France, he was expected there just at the time the secret of the king's marriage was revealed. Nor can there be a reasonable doubt-indeed ther

. Worc.

of Croyland Ch

hird, Cecily, in the latter end of 1469. See Green's Princesses, vol. iii.; also an arti

21st. There are Privy Seals dated on that d

n. Chron. C

by Halliwell in his notes to Wa

preceding the above petition in the n

3 No

4 No

eals dated on the 2nd August at Coventry; on the 9th, 12th,

2 No

the Assumption of the Virgin (15th August) or on St. Bartholomew's Day itself (24th August), and that it lasted five weeks and three days. But we know that the castle surrendered on the 26th September, so that if the duration of the siege was five weeks and three days it must have begun on the 19th A

n. W. de

2 No

1 No

1 72

2 No

shot out of crossbows. The word is of F

Nos. 7

ich properly means a lively condition-is one of the things that w

s. 733,

1 No

2 No

3 No

1 No

s. 721,

ls of Par

e Nos. 7

ed by the nearest relation of the murdered person, and a pard

s. 740,

s. 750,

Nos. 7

461, 627,

of her as 'my Aunt Ponynges.' Before the 8th January

nd Counte

vernment of

im and his friends so much hard fighting to secure. Just when he had reached the summit of his prosperity, he alienated the men to whom it was mainly due, and took no care to protect himself against the consequences of their concealed displeasure. The Earl of Warwick took him prisoner, then rele

stons favour Henry VI. The Pastons, in particular, had very special reasons to rejoice in Henry's restoration. They had a powerful friend in the Earl of Oxford, whose influence with Henry and the Earl of Warwick stood very high. Owing partly, perhaps, to Oxford's intercession, the Duke of Norfolk had been obliged to quit his hold of Caister, and Sir John Paston had been reinstated in possession.260.1 The Duke and Duchess of Norfolk sued to Oxford as humbly as the Pastons had been accustomed to sue to them, and the earl, from the very first, had been as careful of the interests of this family as if they had been his own. Even in the first days of the revolution-probably bef

came out of the battle alive, but John Paston was wounded with an arrow in the right arm, beneath the elbow.261.1 His wound, however, was not of a very serious character, and in little more than a fortnight he was able to write a letter with his own hand.261.2 A more serious consideration was, how far the family prospects were injured by the part they had taken against what seemed now to be the winning side. Perhaps they might be effectually befriended by their cousin Lomner, who seems to have adhered to Edward, and who had promised them his good offices, if required. But on the whole the Pastons did

her men's shall be redressed, for 262 the world was never so like to be ours as it is now. Wherefore I pray you let Lomner not be too busy yet.'262.1 The issue, however, did not agree with his expectations. The battle of Tewkesbury. Four days later was fought the battle of Tewkesbury,262.2 at which Margaret was defeated, and her son, though taken alive, put to death upon the field. Shortly afterwards she herself surrendered as a prisoner,

en by the Duk

r, the duke had recourse to stratagem, and one of his servants suddenly obtained possession of the place on Sunday, the 23rd June.262.3 It is remarkable that we have no direct reference in the letters either to this event, or to the previous reinstatement of Sir John Pa

brother. The latter was not very grateful for his offer, considering, apparently, that the earl's influence with the king was not what it had been. 'Lord Scales,' he said, for so he continued to call him, 'may do least with the great master. But he would depart over the sea as hastily as he may; and because he weeneth that I would go with him, as I had promised him ever, i

that within three months after he had been a second time dispossessed of Caister, Sir John made a serious effort to 264 ascertain whether the Duke of Norfolk might not be induced to let him have it back again. Sir J. Paston petitions the Duke of Norfolk to give back Caister. This he did, as was only natural, through the medium of his brother John, whose former services in the duke's household gave him a claim to be heard in a matter touching the personal interests of the family. John Paston, however, wisely addressed himself, on this subject, rather to the duchess than to th

minary note to

2 No

1 No

2 No

3 No

1 No

ipal persons killed and beheaded after the fight, and of the knights made b

Worc. I

4 No

t seems that a horse of John Paston's had been left at Caister, which the family endeavoured to reclaim by pretending that it was his brother Edmund's. Jo

Woodville, is referred to in the Excerpta Historica, p. 249. She was, therefore, the niece of Richard, Earl Rivers, and cousin-german to Edward IV.'s queen. It appears also that she had a sister named Alice, who was married to Sir John Fogge of Ashford, Trea

2 No

Nos. 7

s. 781,

ston B

don to Jo

orpe, who, for some reason not explained, seems to have been a confidante in this particular matter.264.2 Perhaps this was as well, for as a matter of fact the pardon was not sealed that Friday, nor for many a long week, and even for some months after. It seems to have been promised, but it did not come. At Norwich some one called John Paston traitor and sought to pick quarrels with h

al of th

er to make inquiry, as in that case the appeals were abated. With regard to one of them, the intelligence turned out to be correct. A friend whom John Paston asked to go and converse with this woman, the widow of a fuller of South Walsham, reported that she was now married to one Tom Steward, dwelling in the parish of St. Giles in Norwich. She confessed to him that she never sued the appeal of her own accord, 'but that she was by subtle craft brought to the New Inn at Norwich. And there was Master Southwell; and he entreated her to be my lord's widow265.3 by the space of an whole year next following; a

ho were the most direct cause of her husband's death, the appeal was not prosecuted against them, but against him only. In the following January the widow went up to London, and 100 shillings were given her to sue with. What came of the affair then we have no further record. Sir John Paston was warned of his danger both by his mother

mort

anks for their recovery from illness. The king and queen went on pilgrimage to Canterbury; and never, it was said, had there been so many pilgrims at a time.266.2 'It is the most universal death that ever I wist in England,' says Sir John Paston; 'for by my trouth I cannot hear by pilgrims that pass the country that any borough town in England is free from that sickness. God cease it when it pleaseth Him! Wherefore, for God's sake let

there were so many wood sales then in Norfolk that no man was likely to give much more than within a hundred marks of their real value. She therefore urged Sir John in his own interest to consider what he could do to meet the difficulty. Already she had done much for him, and was not a little ashamed that it was known she had not reserved the means of paying the debts she had incurred for him. Sir John, however, returned for answer that he was utterly unable to make any shift for the money, and Margaret saw nothing for it but the humiliation of selling wood or land, or even furniture, to meet the emergency. 'It is a death to me to think upon it,' she wrote. She felt strongly that her son had not the art of managing with economy-that he spent double the money on his affairs that his father had done in matters of the same character, and, what grieved her even

aston and

r a long time only restrained by the cost of a dispensation, which was necessary to dissolve even such a contract as theirs. It would not have been surprising, indeed, if on the restoration of Edward IV. Lord Rivers and the queen's relations had shown themselves unfavourable to a match between their kinswoman and one who had fought against the king at Barnet. But whether this was the case or not w

1471,

e of them first-our matter should be the better.'269.1 A.D. 1472, Feb. In February following Sir John was admitted to another interview with the lady, but was unable to bring the matter to a decisive issue. 'I have spoken,' he says, 'with Mrs. Anne Haulte at a pretty leisure, and, blessed be God,

ired an application to the Court of Rome, and this involved a very unsentimental question of fees. 'I have answer again from Rome,' he writes in November following, 'that there is the well of grace and salve sufficient for such a sore, and that I may be dispensed with; nevertheless my proctor there asketh a thousand ducats, as he deemeth. But Master Lac

ween him and Mrs. Anne Haulte had been 'sore broken' to Cardinal Bourchier, the Lord Chamberlain (Hastings), and himself, and that he was 'in good hope.'270.2 Finally, in August following, he expects that it 'shall, with God's grace, this term be at a perfect end.'270.3 After this we hear nothing more of it. The pre-contract between Sir John and Anne Haulte seems therefore to have been a

on's love

endeavouring to win the hand of a certain Lady Elizabeth Bourchier; but here he did not prosper, for she was married a few months later to Lord Thomas Howard-the nobleman who more than forty years afte

. 1

ccurred to him, and he could not endure the thought. He endeavoured to prevent the proposed marriage by concealing the lady in London.271.1 Disputes arose between the two brothers in consequence, and though they went to Sheen together to pardon, it was truly suspected to be 'not all in charity.' The king endeavoured to act as mediator, and entreated Clarence to show a fair amount of consideration to his brother; but his efforts met with very little success. 'As it is said,' writes Sir John Paston, 'he answereth that he may well have my lady his sister-in-law, but they shall part no livelode,'-the elder sister was to have all the inheritance, and the younger sister nothing! No wonder the writer adds, 'So what will fall can I not say.'271.2 What did fall, however, we know partly from the Paston Letters and partly from other sources.

the claims of the Countess of Warwick were deliberately set aside, and the Act expressly treated her as if she had been a dead woman. So the matter was finally settled in May 1474. Yet possibly the Countess's claims had some influence in hastening this settlement; for about a twelvemo

and 273 endeavoured to hold a court there for the lord of the manor. John Paston interrupts the Manor Court at Saxthorpe. But John Paston hearing of what was doing, went thither accompanied by one man only to protect his brother's interest, and charged the tenants, in the presence of Gurney himself and a number of his friends, to proceed no further. The protest was effective so far as to produce a momentary pause. But when it was seen that he had only one man with him, the proceedings were resumed; on which John Paston sat down by the steward and blotted his book with his finger as he wrote, and then called the tenants to witness that he had effectually interrupted the court in his brother's right.273.1 Gurney, however, did not give

nothing of the transaction. His mother wrote to him in dismay on the 5th June. Young Heydon had already taken possession. 'We beat the bushes,' said Margaret Paston, 'and have the loss and the disworship, and other men have the birds. My lord hath fals

aston does not appear to have been remiss. It was the first thing that occupied his thoughts after he had secured his pardon. In the beginning of the year he had been with Archbishop Nevill, who, though he had been in disgrace and committed to the Tower just after the battle of Barnet, seems at this time again to have had some influence in the world, at his residence called the Moor. By the archbishop's means apparently he had received his pardon, and had spent a merrier Christmas in consequence; and he wrote to his mother that if he could have got any assurance of having Caister restored to him, he would have come away at once.274.5 But it was not long before the archbishop again got into trouble. He was once more conducted to the Tower, and two days afterwards at midnight he was put on board a ship and conveyed out to sea.274.6 Nothing more therefore was to be hoped for from the archbishop's friendship; but Sir John Paston did not cease to

hess of

5.2 The Duke of Norfolk was going to be with his wife on the occasion of her lying-in, and John Paston, as an old servant of the family, went to give his attendance at Framlingham. It was resolved that the utmost should be made of the opportunity. John Paston drew up a petition in behalf of his brother to present to the duke, while Sir John Paston himself, then in London, obtained letters from the king to both the duke and duchess, and also to their council. The king seems to have been particularly interested in the case, and assured Sir John that if his

of a d

exhortations, royal letters, and all were thrown away upon the Duke of Norfolk. My lady promised secretly to another person to favour Sir John's suit, but the fact of her giving such a promise was not to be communicated to any one else. John Paston was made as uncomfortable as possible by the manner in which his

n seeks to ent

ge it would be to the town to have for one of their two burgesses 'such a man of worship and of wit as were towards my said lady,' and advising all her tenants to vote for Sir John Paston, who not only had this great qualification, but also possessed the additional advantage of being in high favour with my Lord Chamberlain Hastings.276.3 There was, howeve

ould make a descent upon the coast. Commissions of array were issued at various times for defence against apprehended invasion.277.6 Information was therefore laid before Parliament of the danger in which the kingdom stood from a confederacy of the king's 'ancient and mortal enemies environing the same,' and a message was sent to the Commons to the effect that the king intended to equip an expedition in resistance of their malice.277.7 278 The result was that, in November 1472, the Commons agreed to a levy of 13,000 archers, and voted a tenth for their support, which was to be levied before Candlemas following.278.1 An income and property tax was not a permanent institution of our ancestors, but when it came it pressed heavily; so that a demand of two shillings in the pound was not at all unprecedented. A higher tax had been imposed four years before, and also in 1453 by the Parliament of Reading. Still, a sudden demand of two shillings in the pound, to be levied within the next four months, was an uncomfortable th

ly j

finding her elder sons not very satisfactory advisers, she did what lone women are very apt to do under such circumstances-took counsel in most of the affairs of this life of a confidential priest. In fact, she was a good and pious woman, to whom in her advancing years this world appeared more and more in its true character as a mere preparation for the next. She had now withdrawn from city life at Norwich, and was dwelling on her own family estate at Mautby. Bodily infirmities, perhaps-though we hear nothing explicitly said of them-made it somewhat less easy for her to move about; and she desired to obtain a licence from

ames

oth is well done. Sir James and I be twain. We 280 fell out before my mother with "Thou proud priest," and "Thou proud squire," my mother taking his part; so I have almost beshut the bolt as for my mother's house; yet summer shall be done or I get me any master.'280.1 John Paston, in fact, was obliged to put up with it for some months longer, and though he afterwards reports that Sir James was always 'chopping at him,' and seeking to irritate him in his mother's presence, h

2 No

s. 780,

e p. 257

was called the lord's widow, and

Nos. 7

Nos. 7

2 No

1 No

2 No

ve at Bromholm available for a monument.-See No. 782. More than five years, however, had elapsed since his father's death, and even two years after this the tomb was not attended to

2 No

1 No

2 No

3 No

4 No

ises that Sir John shall be her true knight, and she in return promises to be more at his commandment than at any knight's in England, 'my lord' excepted. 'And that ye shall well understand' (so John Paston reports the message) 'if ye have aught to do wherein she may be an helper; for there was never knight did so much cost on her as ye have done.' (No. 817.) Is this anonymou

2 No

3 No

4 No

Nos. 7

. Chron. of

2 No

1 No

2 No

ls of Par

the reading is 'Beverley sanctuary' in t

5 No

6 No

1 No

2 No

3 No

1 No

2 No

is a little out of its place, the exa

4 No

5 No

6 No

1 No

Nos. 8

a strange inadvertence has been put in the year 1475 instead

2 No

3 No

1 No

very imperfect, and some of them are not very legible. The two burgesses returned for Maldon were William Pestell and

3 No

opening of that session on the 8th February, as he was at Calais o

5 No

., p. 1, membs. 25 and 26 in dorso;

commissions issued to certain masters of ships to take sailors for th

ls of Par

2 No

ls of Par

annot be obtained of the Bishop of Norwich, John Paston should endeavour to get it of the

e, as in Sir James Gloys and Sir Thomas Howes, was commonly used as equivalent to 'Reverend,'

30, col. 536). 'Maluit maritus esse castus quam sacerdos

1 No

2 No

3 No

... (Epp. lib. x

ed: expected

te Affairs, and

s were not greatly esteemed, though he was arrested and sent up to London for uttering them. He had, in fact, prophesied similar things before. Yet there was an impression in some quarters that he might be right on this occasion. He was committed to the Tower, and he desired leave to speak to the king, but Edward declined to give him any occasion for boasting that his warnings had been listened to. Ere long, 281 however, his story was to some extent justified. News came that on Saturday, the 10th April, the Earl of Oxford had been at Dieppe with twelve ships, about to sail for Scotland. A man was examined in London, who gave information that large sums o

St. Michael's Mount on the last day of September. He was besieged there by Sir Henry Bodrugan, but the place was so strong that, if properly victualled, twenty men could keep it against the world. The earl's men, however, parleyed with Sir Henry, who by some gross negligence allowed victuals to be conveyed into the Mount. The command of the besieging force was taken from him by the king and given to Richard Fortescue, sheriff of Cornwall.281.4 At the same

ce seems to have awakened sympathy in the West Country; for on the 10th December the king found it necessary to issue a proclamation against bearing arms in Devonshire.282.3 However, after keeping possession of the place for four months and a half, he felt himself compelled t

l expedition a

e or two separate hundreds and wapentakes. But the total amount of the assessment had only produced ￡31,410: 14: 1?, a sum which to the modern reader will appear inconceivably small as the proceeds of a ten per cent. income and property tax for nearly the whole of England. It was in fact not sufficient for the purpose intended; even such a tax, strange to say, could not maintain 13,000 archers; and the Commons, as we have already said, voted one-tenth and one-fifteenth additional. This impost, however, was not immediately

ffects of se

in that way. Wheat was but 2s. 4d. a comb, and malt and oats but tenpence. During the year 1473 Sir John had applied in vain to his mother for a loan of ￡100 to redeem the manor of Sporle, which he had been obliged to mortgage. He had already been driven to sell a portion of the wood, and had thoughts of giving a seven years' lease of the manor to a neighbour of the name of Cocket, on receiving six years' rent in ready money.283.4 But in 1474, having received ￡100 from the executors o

ent with Bis

the endowments of Fastolf's intended college at Caister to the support of Magdalen College, Oxford, a division was made of the Norfolk lands between him and Paston. Sir John was allowed to enjoy Caister and the lands in Flegg,

ngaged to Wil

this ignorance to any unusual detention of letters between Norwich and London; so that we are almost driven to conclude that his sister's marriage was an event of which Sir John did not expect to receive any very special intimation. The news even of her sickness, I suspect from the manner in which he refers to it, was conveyed to him not by letters from home, but by Yelverton, her intended husband, who had come up to London. Nor must it be supposed that Yelverton himself was deeply concerned about her state of health; for it was certainly not with a lover's anxiety that he communicated the intelligence to Sir John. In fact the marriage, so far from being a thing already accomplished, as Sir John supposed

ed to

the married life of this couple we have in the Paston Letters no notices whatever; but one incident that occurred in it we learn from another source. Yelverton brought his bride home to his own house at Caister St. Edmund's, three miles from Norwich. Some time after their marriage this house was burned down by the carelessness of a servant girl while they were away at the marriage of a daughter of Sir Wil

's marriage

had for Mistress Elizabeth Eberton, her daughter, that he requests his brother not to conclude 'in the other place,' even though old Eberton should not be disposed to give her so much dowry as he might have with the second lady. Nevertheless Sir John is also requested to ascertain 'how the matter at the Black Friars doth; and that ye will see and speak with the thing yourself, and with her father and mother or ye depart; and that it like you to desire John Lee's wife to send me a bill in all haste poss

ghter, the matter quietly dropped, but before it 287 was quite broken off John Paston had engaged his brother's services as before in a new matter with the Lady Walgrave. Sir John Paston executed his commission here too with the utmost zeal to promote his brother's suit; but he received little comfort from the lady, and could not prevail upon her to accept John Paston's ring. Indeed she told him plainly she meant to abide by an answer she had already given to John Paston him

pilgrimage t

e his brother expected to see him within a month after he left.287.2 It does not appear what prompted this pious expedition, unless it was the prevalence of sickness and epidemics in England. Margaret Paston's cousin, John Berney of Reedham, died in the beginning of that year;287.3 and the letter, which first speaks of John Paston's intended pilgrimage, records also the deaths of the Earl of Wiltshire and the Lord Sudley, and mentions a false rumour of th

f Sir Joh

mself. His brother Edmund, too, had been ill in London about the same time, but he found him 'well amended'; which was, perhaps, not altogether the case with himself, for during the winter he had a return of fever, with pain in the eyes and in one of his legs, particularly in the heel.288.1 Sir John, however, was not the man to make much of a slight indisposition. About Christma

of N

th Edward in an invasion of that country, in which he was bound by treaty to co-operate. But month after month slipped away, and the Burgundian forces were still detained before Neuss, so that he was unable strictly to fulfil his engagement. His cunning enemy Louis saw his advantage in the circumstance, and contrived to cool Edward's ardour 289 for the war by arts peculiarly his own. He received with the greatest possible politeness the herald sent by Edward to defy him; asked him to a private conference; told him he wa

V. and L

y over France than to vindicate it by conquering the country! Arguments, too, were not wanting in the shape of private pensions offered by Louis to the Lords of the English Council. Not, of course, that English noblemen regarded these gratuities as bribes-Lord Hastings, at least, stood upon his dignity and refused to give a receipt for money which

and fifteenth another, but the wealthy had been solicited to make still further contributions in a form till now unheard of-contributions 290 called 'benevolences,' Benevolences. because they were supposed, by a cruel irony, to be offered and given with good will.290.1 For the nation was quite

with F

ce and experience for their safety, as some of them were but young soldiers.290.4 Margaret Paston need not have been so anxious if she had been in the secrets of the Cabinet. No blood was drawn in that campaign. The army had crossed the sea in the end of June, and peace was already made in the end of August. Nominally, indeed, it was but a seven years' truc

o pay tribute; the French king chuckled at having made Edward his pensioner. Louis, doubtless, had the best of the bargain, for he had managed to sow division between England and Burgundy, and to ward off a very serious dang

Paston

eight days. We may, perhaps, suspect that it was another outbreak of his old disease, and that he never allowed himself sufficient rest to make a perfect recovery. But it may be that from the

4 No

829, 830, 8

nt on Thursday, 28t

3 No

orth's Chro

1 No

2 No

Roll, 13 Edw

846. War

ous that we have no notic

s of Parl.

what he hath paid for you for two tasks (taxes) at th

828, 831,

5 No

6 No

Nos. 8

2 No

Nos. 8

2 No

une 1477.-No. 913. But Anne appears to have been unmarr

8 diei Januarii, videlicet in vigilia Sancti Wolstani, dum modo dictus Yelverton, cum filia Johannis Paston senioris, uxore dicti Yelverton, fuerunt ad nupc

1 No

Nos. 8

Nos. 8

3 No

4 No

5 No

856, 862,

2 No

3 No

nes, Book

nes, Book

bid. ch

stol, and Cirencester, in different excursions, returning to London in November; after which he again set out, going this time into Suffolk. He was at Bury on the 5th and 7th December, and at West Thorpe, on the northern confines of the county, on the 8th. From this it appears (

Nos. 8

3 No

4 No

mer, xii

1 No

.2

3 No

am igne co

quote

ote 2

number "

Paston an

am Pa

f the banished earl.291.7 He had married, probably since the decease of his brother the eldest John Paston, the Lady Anne Beaufort, third daughter of Edmund, Duke of Somerset, 292 a lady of a wealthy family; and he occupied the great mansion called Warwick's Inn, near Newgate, which had been the town-house of the mighty Kingmaker. His mother, Agnes Paston, lived there along with him.292.1 Of his family we may mention here that the first child he had by the Lady Anne was a daughter named Mary, born, as we know from an old register, on St. Wolstan's Day, the 19th January 1470. The second, more than four years

y ma

r John had received a windfall of ￡100 from the executors 293 of Walter Lyhart, Bishop of Norwich, who died two years before, and that some one else had offered to advance another ￡100, which left only 100 marks still to be raised. He was afraid his nephew had been compelled to offer an exorbitant rate of interest for the loan. Sir John, however, being pressed with his questions, told him that his mother had agreed to stand surety for the sum he had borrowed; on w

about the land in his uncle's hand as he had before about that which was in Townsend's. His mother, too, was not a little afraid, both for the land and for her own securities. She suspected William Paston was only too anxious to gain so

7 he was unable to meet promptly the claims of one named Cocket, and was labouring once more to redeem the manor of Sporle, which he had been obliged to mortgage to Townsend a second time. His mother, annoyed by his importunity for as

ston's clai

romise by Bishop Waynflete-'the slow Bishop of Winchester,' as he called him-to entreat the duke and duchess in his favour.294.3 But he was consoled by news which reached him before he came home, that the king himself had spoken to the Duke of Norfolk on the subject, and that, though the matter was delayed till next term, the king had commanded the duke to take good advice on the subject and be sure of the validity of his title, for justice would certainly be done without favour to either party.294.4 This report, however, was rather too highly coloured. The Duchess of Norfolk denied its accuracy to John Paston. The king, she said, had only asked the duke at his departure from Calais how he would deal with Caister, an

tion to

the lands for three years to the value of ￡140. By the mediation of the Bishop of Winchester, the duke had afterwards restored him to possession of the manor on payment of 500 marks, and released to him his estate and interest therein by a deed under the seals of himself and his co-feoffees, and of the Bishop of Winchester. Sir John, however, had remained in possession only half a year, during which time he had laid out 100 marks in repairs, and ￡40 for the 'outrents' due for the three years preceding, when the duke again forcibly entered the mano

476, 1

duke's council or himself, before applying for justice to the king. But matters now stood on a different footing, and Sir John, after making his intention known to the duke's council, sent a messenger named Whetley to Caister to assert his rights there. Considering all that had passed, the act could not reasonably have been wondered at; but his brother John intimated to him a few days later that it was resented by some of the late du

onally due; and in the very letter in which he intimated the duke's death to his brother, he says he had promised his council the loan of some cloth of gold for the funeral. The article was one which it was difficu

do would be to set forth his claim to the escheator before whom it was held. But he soon found that he need not be over anxious on this account. The duchess herself was anxious that the writs should not be issued too precipitately, and John Paston told his brother that he 'need not deal over largely with the escheators.'297.2 The duchess, on the other hand, was suspicious of Sir John, and was warned to be upon her guard lest he should attempt to retake Caister by the strong hand. A favourable opportunity might have been found for such an attempt at that time, as th

and the others. Afterwards the same duke and his co-feoffees, by the mediation of the Bishop of Winchester, seeing that the said demise and enfeoffment was against conscience, and in consideration of 500 marks paid by the bishop at the charge of Sir John Paston, enfeoffed John, Bishop of Hereford, John, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, and nine others, to the use of Sir John Paston. These again, by another deed, gave up their trust to Sir John Paston, and to Guy Fairfax and Richard Pigot, serjeants-at-law, John Paston, Esquire, and Roger Townsend, whom they enfeoffed to the use of Sir John Paston and his heirs for ever. Then the other trustees of Sir John Fastolf enfeoffed the same Sir John Paston, Fairfax, and the others in the same way; so that these last became seised to Sir John's use of the whole property-not merely of the three-eight

4 No

s. 854,

6 No

7 No

1 No

day but the hour: 'Inter horam post nonam et horam ante horam secundam, viz.

Beaufort, Countess of Richmond, wh

find no Earl Beaumont in the peerage, but there was a William, Viscount Beaumont, who succeeded his father in that title in 1459. According to Dugdale, he had two w

5 No

1 No

s. 857,

3 No

Nos. 9

2 No

3 No

Nos. 8

1 No

2 No

3 No

. I suppose therefore that the death took place on the night between the 16th and the 17th, and that Sir John wrote on the following morning. The date given in the Inquisition post mortem (17 Edw. IV., No. 58) is, strange to say, erroneous; for it was found in twelve different counties that the duke died on Tuesday after Epiphany, in the fiftee

2 No

3 No

4 No

5 No

1 No

2 No

Nos. 8

post mortem, 17